north america-1- 第51部分

which　did　not　go　would　give　me　no　aid　in　washing　myself；　that　a　heavy；　immovable　curtain　shut　out　the　light；　and　that　papier…mache　chairs　with　small；　fluffy　velvet　seats　were　bad　to　sit　on；　he　answered　me　completely　by　telling　me　that　his　house　had　been　furnished　not　in　accordance　with　the　taste　of　England；　but　with　that　of　France。　　I　acknowledged　the　rebuke；　gave　up　my　pursuits　of　literature　and　cleanliness；　and　hurried　out　of　the　house　as　quickly　as　I　could。　　All　America　is　now　furnishing　itself　by　the　rules　which　guided　that　hotel…keeper。　　I　do　not　merely　allude　to　actual　household　furnitureto　chairs；　tables；　and　detestable　gilt　clocks。　　The　taste　of　America　is　becoming　French　in　its　conversation；　French　in　its　comforts　and　French　in　its　discomforts；　French　in　its　eating　and　French　in　its　dress；　French　in　its　manners；　and　will　become　French　in　its　art。　　There　are　those　who　will　say　that　English　taste　is　taking　the　same　direction。　　I　do　not　think　so。　　I　strongly　hope　that　it　is　not　so。　　And　therefore　I　say　that　an　Englishman　and　an　American　differ　in　their　tastes。　But　of　all　differences　between　an　Englishman　and　an　American；　that　in　politics　is　the　strongest　and　the　most　essential。　　I　cannot　here；　in　one　paragraph；　define　that　difference　with　sufficient　clearness　to　make　my　definition　satisfactory；　but　I　trust　that　some　idea　of　that　difference　may　be　conveyed　by　the　general　tenor　of　my　book。　　The　American　and　the　Englishman　are　both　republicans。　　The　governments　of　the　States　and　of　England　are　probably　the　two　purest　republican　governments　in　the　world。　　I　do　not；　of　course；　here　mean　to　say　that　the　governments　are　more　pure　than　others；　but　that　the　systems　are　more　absolutely　republican。　　And　yet　no　men　can　be　much　farther　asunder　in　politics　than　the　Englishman　and　the　American。　　The　American　of　the　present　day　puts　a　ballot…box　into　the　hands　of　every　citizen；　and　takes　his　stand　upon　that　and　that　only。　　It　is　the　duty　of　an　American　citizen　to　vote；　and　when　he　has　voted；　he　need　trouble　himself　no　further　till　the　time　for　voting　shall　come　round　again。　　The　candidate　for　whom　he　has　voted　represents　his　will；　if　he　have　voted　with　the　majority；　and　in　that　case　he　has　no　right　to　look　for　further　influence。　　If　he　have　voted　with　the　minority；　he　has　no　right　to　look　for　any　influence　at　all。　　In　either　case　he　has　done　his　political　work；　and　may　go　about　his　business　till　the　next　year；　or　the　next　two　or　four　years；　shall　have　come　round。　　The　Englishman；　on　the　other　hand；　will　have　no　ballot…box；　and　is　by　no　means　inclined　to　depend　exclusively　upon　voters　or　upon　voting。　　As　far　as　voting　can　show　it；　he　desires　to　get　the　sense　of　the　country；　but　he　does　not　think　that　that　sense　will　be　shown　by　universal　suffrage。　He　thinks　that　property　amounting　to　a　thousand　pounds　will　show　more　of　that　sense　than　property　amounting　to　a　hundred；　but　he　will　not；　on　that　account；　go　to　work　and　apportion　votes　to　wealth。　　He　thinks　that　the　educated　can　show　more　of　that　sense　than　the　uneducated；　but　he　does　not　therefore　lay　down　any　rule　about　reading；　writing；　and　arithmetic；　or　apportion　votes　to　learning。　　He　prefers　that　all　these　opinions　of　his　shall　bring　themselves　out　and　operate　by　their　own　intrinsic　weight。　　Nor　does　he　at　all　confine　himself　to　voting；　in　his　anxiety　to　get　the　sense　of　the　country。　　He　takes　it　in　any　way　that　it　will　show　itself；　uses　it　for　what　it　is　worth；　or　perhaps　far　more　than　it　is　worth；　and　welds　it　into　that　gigantic　lever　by　which　the　political　action　of　the　country　is　moved。　　Every　man　in　Great　Britain；　whether　he　possesses　any　actual　vote　or　no；　can　do　that　which　is　tantamount　to　voting　every　day　of　his　life　by　the　mere　expression　of　his　opinion。　　Public　opinion　in　America　has　hitherto　been　nothing；　unless　it　has　managed　to　express　itself　by　a　majority　of　ballot…boxes。　　Public　opinion　in　England　is　everything；　let　votes　go　as　they　may。　　Let　the　people　want　a　measure；　and　there　is　no　doubt　of　their　obtaining　it。　　Only　the　people　must　want　itas　they　did　want　Catholic　emancipation；　reform；　and　corn…law　repeal；　and　as　they　would　want　war　if　it　were　brought　home　to　them　that　their　country　was　insulted。　In　attempting　to　describe　this　difference　in　the　political　action　of　the　two　countries；　I　am　very　far　from　taking　all　praise　for　England　or　throwing　any　reproach　on　the　States。　　The　political　action　of　the　States　is　undoubtedly　the　more　logical　and　the　clearer。　　That；　indeed；　of　England　is　so　illogical　and　so　little　clear　that　it　would　be　quite　impossible　for　any　other　nation　to　assume　it；　merely　by　resolving　to　do　so。　　Whereas　the　political　action　of　the　States　might　be　assumed　by　any　nation　to…morrow；　and　all　its　strength　might　be　carried　across　the　water　in　a　few　written　rules　as　are　the　prescriptions　of　a　physician　or　the　regulations　of　an　infirmary。　　With　us　the　thing　has　grown　of　habit；　has　been　fostered　by　tradition；　has　crept　up　uncared　for；　and　in　some　parts　unnoticed。　　It　can　be　written　in　no　book；　can　be　described　in　no　words；　can　be　copied　by　no　statesmen；　and　I　almost　believe　can　be　understood　by　no　people　but　that　to　whose　peculiar　uses　it　has　been　adapted。　In　speaking　as　I　have　here　done　of　American　taste　and　American　politics；　I　must　allude　to　a　special　class　of　Americans　who　are　to　be　met　more　generally　in　New　York　than　elsewheremen　who　are　educated；　who　have　generally　traveled；　who　are　almost　always　agreeable；　but　who；　as　regards　their　politics；　are　to　me　the　most　objectionable　of　all　men。　　As　regards　taste　they　are　objectionable　to　me　also。　　But　that　is　a　small　thing；　and　as　they　are　quite　as　likely　to　be　right　as　I　am；　I　will　say　nothing　against　their　taste。　But　in　politics　it　seems　to　me　that　these　men　have　fallen　into　the　bitterest　and　perhaps　into　the　basest　of　errors。　　Of　the　man　who　begins　his　life　with　mean　political　ideas；　having　sucked　them　in　with　his　mother's　milk；　there　may　be　some　hope。　　The　evil　is　at　any　rate　the　fault　of　his　forefathers　rather　than　of　himself。　　But　who　can　have　hope　of　him　who；　having　been　thrown　by　birth　and　fortune　into　the　running　river　of　free　political　activity；　has　allowed　himself　to　be　drifted　into　the　stagnant　level　of　general　political　servility？　　There　are　very　many　such　Americans。　　They　call　themselves　republicans；　and　sneer　at　the　idea　of　a　limited　monarchy；　but　they　declare　that　there　is　no　republic　so　safe；　so　equal　for　all　men；　so　purely　democratic　as　that　now　existing　in　France。　　Under　the　French　Empire　all　men　are　equal。　　There　is　no　aristocracy；　no　oligarchy；　no　overshadowing　of　the　little　by　the　great。　　One　superior　is　admittedadmitted　on　earth；　as　a　superior　is　also　admitted　in　heaven。　　Under　him　everything　is　level；　and；　provided　he　be　not　impeded；　everything　is　free。　　He　knows　how　to　rule；　and　the　nation；　allowing　him　the　privilege　of　doing　so；　can　go　along　its　course　safely；　can　eat；　drink；　and　be　merry。　　If　few　men　can　rise　high；　so　also　can　few　men　fall　low。　　Political　equality　is　the　one　thing　desirable　in　a　commonwealth；　and　by　this　arrangement　political　equality　is　obtained。　　Such　is　the　modern　creed　of　many　an　educated　republican　of　the　States。　To　me　it　seems　that　such　a　political　state　is　about　the　vilest　to　which　a　man　can　descend。　　It　amounts　to　a　tacit　abandonment　of　the　struggle　which　men　are　making　for　political　truth　and　political　beneficence；　in　order　that　bread　and　meat　may　be　eaten　in　peace　during　the　score　of　years　or　so　that　are　at　the　moment　passing　over　us。　　The　politicians　of　this　class　have　decided　for　themselves　that　the　summum　bonum　is　to　be　found　in　bread　and　the　circus　games。　　If　they　be　free　to　eat；　free　to　rest；　free　to　sleep；　free　to　drink　little　cups　of　coffee；　while　the　world　passes　before　them；　on　a　boulevard；　they　have　that　freedom　which　they　covet。　　But　equality　is　necessary　as　well　as　freedom。　　There　must　be　no　towering　trees　in　this　parterre　to　overshadow　the　clipped　shrubs；　and　destroy　the　uniformity　of　a　growth　which　should　never　mount　more　than　two　feet　above　the　earth。　　The　equality　of　this　politician　would　forbid　any　to　rise　above　him　instead　of　inviting　all　to　rise　up　to　him。　　It　is　the　equality　of　fear　and　of　selfishness；　and　not　the　equality　of　courage　and　philanthropy。　　And　brotherhood；　too；　must　be　invoked　fraternity　as　we　may　better　call　it　in　the　jargon　of　the　school。　Such　politicians　tell　one　much　of　fraternity；　and　define　it　too。　It　consists　in　a　general　raising　of　the　hat　to　all　mankind；　in　a　daily　walk　that　never　hurries　itself　into　a　jostling　trot；　inconvenient　to　passengers　on　the　pavement；　in　a　placid　voice；　a　soft　smile；　and　a　small　cup　of　coffee　on　a　boulevard。　　It　means　all　this；　but　I　could　never　find　that　it　meant　any　more。　　There　is　a　nation　for　which　one　is　almost　driven　to　think　that　such　political　aspirations　as　these　are　suitable；　but　that　nation　is　certainly　not　the　States　of　America。　And　yet　one　finds　many　American　gentlemen　who　have　allowed　themselves　to　be　drifted　into　such　a　theory。　　They　have　begun　the　world　as　republican　citizens；　and　as　such　they　must　go　on。　　But　in　their　travels　and　their　studies；　and　in　the　luxury　of　their　life；　they　have　learned　to　dislike　the　rowdiness　of　their　country's　politics。　　They　want　things　to　be　soft　and　easy；　as　republican　as　you　please；　but　with　as　little　noise　as　possible。　　The　President　is　there　for　four　years。　　Why　not　elect　him　for　eight；　for　twelve；　or　for　life？for　eternity　if　it　were　possible　to　find　one　who　could　continue　to　live？　　It　is　to　this　way　of　thinking　that　Americans　are　driven；　when　the　polish　of　Europe　has　made　the　roughness　of　their　own　elections　odious　to　them。　〃Have　you　seen　any　of　our　great　institootions；　sir？〃　　That　of　course　is　a　question　which　is　put　to　every　Englishman　who　has　visited　New　York；　and　the　Englishman　who　intends　to　say　that　he　has　seen　New　York；　should　visit　many　of　them。　　I　went　to　schools；　hospitals；　lunatic　asylums；　institutes　for　deaf　and　dumb；　water…　works；　historical　societies；　telegraph　offices；　and　large　commercial　establishments。　　I　rather　think　that　I　did　my　work　in　a　thorough　and　conscientious　manner；　and　I　owe　much　gratitude　to　those　who　guided　me　on　such　occasions。　　Perhaps　I　ought　to　describe　all　these　institutions；　but　were　I　to　do　so；　I　fear　that　I　should　infli