their present use as railway goods yards and sidings； it would
save time in the transit of goods and labour in their handling。
It is a quite beautifully worked out scheme。 For the last eight
or ten years this group of devoted fanatics has been pressing
this undertaking upon an indifferent country with increasing
vehemence and astonishment at that indifference。 The point is
that its adoption； though it would be of general benefit； would
be of no particular benefit to any leading man or highly placed
official。 On the other hand it would upset all sorts of
individuals who are in a position to obstruct it quietlyand
they do so。 Meaning no evil。 I dip my hand in the accumulation
and extract a leaflet by the all too zealous Mr。 Murray。 In it
he denounces various public officials by name as he cheats and
scoundrels； and invites a prosecution for libel。
In that fashion nothing will ever get done。 There is no
prosecution； but for all that I do not agree with Mr。 Murray
about the men he names。 These gentlemen are just comfortable
gentlemen； own brothers to these old generals of ours who will
not take off their spurs。 They are probably quite charming
people except that they know nothing of that Fear of God which
searches by heart。 Why should they bother？
So many of these after…the…war problems bring one back to the
question of how far the war has put the Fear of God into the
hearts of responsible men。 There is really no other reason in
existence that I can imagine why they should ask themselves the
question； 〃Have I done my best？〃 and that still more important
question； 〃Am I doing my best now？〃 And so while I hear plenty
of talk about the great reorganisations that are to come after
the war； while there is the stir of doubt among the
/rentiers/ whether； after all； they will get paid； while the
unavoidable stresses and sacrifices of the war are making many
people question the rightfulness of much that they did as a
matter of course； and of much that they took for granted； I
perceive there is also something dull and not very articulate in
this European world； something resistant and inert； that is like
the obstinate rolling over of a heavy sleeper after he has been
called upon to get up。 〃Just a little longer。。。。 Just for
/my/ time。〃
One thought alone seems to make these more intractable people
anxious。 I thrust it in as my last stimulant when everything
else has failed。 〃There will be /frightful/ trouble with
labour after the war；〃 I say。
They try to persuade themselves that military discipline is
breaking in labour。。。。
2
What does British labour think of the outlook after the war？
As a distinctive thing British labour does not think。 〃Class…
conscious labour；〃 as the Marxists put it； scarcely exists in
Britain。 The only convincing case I ever met was a bath…chairman
of literary habits Eastbourne。 The only people who are； as a
class； class…conscious in the British community are the Anglican
gentry and their fringe of the genteel。 Everybody else is
〃respectable。〃 The mass of British workers find their thinking
in the ordinary halfpenny papers or in /John Bull。/ The so…
called labour papers are perhaps less representative of British
Labour than any other section of the press； the /Labour
Leader/； for example； is the organ of such people as Bertrand
Russell； Vernon Lee； Morel； academic /rentiers/ who know
about as much as of the labour side of industrialism as they do
of cock…fighting。 All the British peoples are racially willing
and good…tempered people； quite ready to be led by those they
imagine to be abler than themselves。 They make the most cheerful
and generous soldiers in the whole world； without insisting upon
that democratic respect which the Frenchman exacts。 They do not
criticise and they do not trouble themselves much about the
general plan of operations； so long as they have confidence in
the quality and good will of their leading。 But British soldiers
will of their loading。 But British soldiers will hiss a general
when they think he is selfish； unfeeling； or a muff。 And the
socialist propaganda has imported ideas of public service into
private employment。 Labour in Britain has been growing
increasingly impatient of bad or selfish industrial leadership。
Labour trouble in Great Britain turns wholly upon the idea
crystallised in the one word 〃profiteer。〃 Legislation and
regulation of hours of labour； high wages； nothing will keep
labour quiet in Great Britain if labour thinks it is being
exploited for private gain。
Labour feels very suspicious of private gain。 For that suspicion
a certain rather common type of employer is mainly to blame。
Labour believes that employers is mainly to blame。 Labour
believes that employers as a class cheat workmen as a class； plan
to cheat them of their full share in the common output； and drive
hard bargains。 It believes that private employers are equally
ready to sacrifice the welfare of the nation and the welfare of
the workers for mere personal advantage。 It has a traditional
experience to support these suspicions。
In no department of morals have ideas changed so completely
during the last eight years as in relation to 〃profits〃。 Eighty
years ago everyone believed in the divine right of property to do
what it pleased its advantages； a doctrine more disastrous
socially than the divine right of kings。 There was no such sense
of the immorality of 〃holding up〃 as pervades the public
conscience to…day。 The worker was expected not only to work； but
to be grateful for employment。 The property owner held his
property and handed it out for use and development or not； just
as he thought fit。 These ideas are not altogether extinct today。
Only a few days ago I met a magnificent old lady of seventy nine
or eighty； who discoursed upon the wickedness of her gardener in
demanding another shilling a week because of war prices。
She was a valiant and handsome personage。 A face that had still
a healthy natural pinkness looked out from under blond curls； and
an elegant and carefully tended hand tossed back some fine old
lace to gesticulate more freely。 She had previously charmed her
hearers by sweeping aside certain rumours that were drifting
about。
〃Germans invade /Us！/〃 she cried。 〃Who'd /let/ 'em；
I'd like to know？ Who'd /let/ 'em？〃
And then she reverted to her grievance about the gardener。
〃I told him that after the war he'd be glad enough to get
anything。 Grateful！ They'll all be coming back after the war
all of 'em； glad enough to get anything。 Asking for another
shilling indeed！〃
Everyone who heard her looked shocked。 But that was the tone of
everyone of importance in the dark years that followed the
Napoleonic wars。 That is just one survivor of the old tradition。
Another is Blight the solicitor； who goes about bewailing the
fact that we writers are 〃holding out false hopes of higher
agricultural wages after the war。〃 But these are both
exceptions。 They are held to be remarkable people even by their
own class。 The mass of property owners and influential people in
Europe to…day no more believe in the sacred right of property to
hold up development and dictate terms than do the more
intelligent workers。 The ideas of collective ends and of the
fiduciary nature of property； had been soaking through the
European community for years before the war。 The necessity for
sudden and even violent co…operations and submersions of
individuality in a common purpose； is rapidly crystallising out
these ideas into clear proposals。
War is an evil thing； but most people who will not learn from
reason must have an ugly teacher。 This war has brought home to
everyone the supremacy of the public need over every sort of
individual claim。
One of the most remarkable things in the British war press is the
amount of space given to the discussion of labour developments
after the war。 This in its completeness peculiar to the British
situation。 Nothing on the same scale is perceptible in the press
of the Latin allies。 A great movement on the part of capitalists
and business organisers is manifest to assure the worker of a
change of heart and a will to change method。 Labour is
suspicious； not foolishly but wisely suspicious。 But labour is
considering it。
〃National industrial syndication；〃 say the business organisers。
〃Guild socialism；〃 say the workers。
There is also a considerable amount of talking and writing about
〃profit…sharing〃 and about giving the workers a share in the
business direction。 Neither of these ideas appeals to the
shrewder heads among the workers。 So far as direction goes their
disposition is to ask the captain to command the ship。 So far as
profits go； they think the captain has no more right than the
cabin boy to speculative gains； he should do his work for his pay
whether it is profitable or unprofitable work。 There is little
balm for labour discontent in these schemes for making the worker
also an infinitesimal profiteer。
During my journey in Italy and France I met several men who were
keenly interested in business organisation。 Just before I
started my friend N； who has been the chief partner in the
building up of a very big and very extensively advertised
American business； came to see me on his way back to America。 He
is as interested in his work as a scientific specialist； and as
ready to talk about it to any intelligent and interested hearer。
He was particularly keen upon the question of continuity in the
business； when it behoves the older generation to let in the
younger to responsible management and to efface themselves。 He
was a man of five…and…forty。 Incidentally he mentioned that he
had never taken anything for his private life out of the great
business he had built up but a salary； 〃a good salary；〃 and that
now he was gong to grant himself a pension。 〃I shan't interfere
any more。 I shall come right away and live in Europe for a year
so as not to be tempted to interfere。 The boys have got to run
it some day； and they had better get their experience while
they're young and capable of learning by it。 I did。〃
I like N's ideas。 〃Practically；〃 I sa