vill3- 第25部分

gh　eight　acres　per　virgate　for　the　lord；　while　for　the　members　of　the　other　group　the　ploughing　work　is　reckoned　in　the　same　way　as　in　the　case　of　the　villains；　each　placing　his　team　at　the　disposal　of　the　lord　one　day　of　every　week　from　Michaelmas　to　the　1st　of　August；　four　weeks　being　excepted　in　honour　of　Christmas；　Easter；　and　Trinity。（62*）　Ravenston；　in　Buckinghamshire；　is　a　much　clearer　example。　Twelve　villains　hold　of　the　Prior　of　Ravenston　twelve　acres　each；　and　their　service　is　worth　eighteen　shillings　per　holding；　four　villains　hold　six　acres　each；　and　their　service　is　valued　at　nine　shillings。　One　free　tenant　has　twelve　acres　and　pays　sixteen　shillings；　six　have　six　acres　each；　and　pay　seven　shillings。　There　are　three　other　tenants　whose　duties　cannot　be　brought　within　the　system。（63*）　The　portion　of　Fulborne；　in　Cambridgeshire；　belonging　to　Baldwin　de　Maneriis；　may　also　serve　as　an　illustration　of　an　almost　regular　distribution　of　land　and　service　among　the　freeholders。（64*）　Instances　in　which　the　duties；　although　not　exactly；　are　still　very　nearly　equal；　are　very　frequent。　In　Radewelle；　Bedfordshire；　the　mean　rent　of　the　six　is　two　shillings　per　half…virgate；　although　the　villains　perform　service　to　the　amount　of　eight　shillings　per　virgate。（65*）　Bidenham；　Bedfordshire；　also　presents　an　assessment　of　four　shillings　per　free　virgate。（66*）　In　that　part　of　Fulborne　which　is　owned　by　Alan　de　la　Zuche　the　virgates　and　half…virgates　of　the　free　holders　are　variously　rented；　but　twelve　shillings　per　half…virgate　is　of　common　occurrence（67*）　while　in　the　fee　of　Maud　Passelewe　we　find　only　four　and　five　shillings　as　the　rent　for　the　half…virgate。（68*）　Papworth　Anneys　exhibits　a　ferdel　of　seven　and　a　half　acres；　for　which　ten　to　twelve　shillings　are　paid。（69*）　As　to　the　cases　in　which　the　service　varies　a　great　deal；　although　the　land　is　held　in　shares；　I　need　not　give　quotations　because　they　are　to　be　found　on　every　page　of　the　printed　hundred　Rolls。　We　may　say；　in　conclusion；　that　the　process　of　disruption　acts　much　more　potently　in　the　sphere　of　free　holding　than　it　does　in　regard　to　villainage；　but　that　it　has　by　no　means　succeeded　in　destroying　all　regularity　even　there。　　　　　Thus；　even　among　the　freeholders；　landholding　is　often　what　I　shall　take　leave　to　call　'shareholding。'　Now；　whatever　ultimate　explanation　we　may　give　of　this　fact；　it　has　one　obvious　meaning。　That　part　of　the　free　population　which　holds　in　regular　shares　is　not　governed　entirely　by　the　rules　of　private　ownership；　but　is　somehow　implicated　in　the　village　community。　Bovates　and　virgates　exist　only　as　parts　of　carucates　or　hides；　and　the　several　carucates　or　hides　themselves　fit　together；　inasmuch　as　they　suppose　a　constant　apportionment　of　some　kind。　Two　sets　of　important　questions　arise　from　this　proposition；　both　intimately　connected　with　each　other；　although　they　suggest　different　lines　of　enquiry。　We　may　start　from　an　examination　of　the　single　holding；　and　ask　whether　its　regular　shape　can　be　explained　by　the　requirements　of　its　condition　or　by　survivals　of　a　former　condition。　Or　again；　we　may　start　from　the　whole　and　inquire　whether　the　equality　the　elements　of　which　we　detect　is　equality　in　ownership　or　equality　in　service。　Let　us　take　up　the　first　thread　of　the　inquiry。　　　　　How　can　we　account　for　the　occurrence　of　regular　'shareholding'　among　the　freeholders？　Two　possibilities　have　to　be　considered：　the　free　character　of　the　tenements　may　be　newly　acquired　and　the　'shareholding'　may　be　a　relic　of　a　servile　past；　or；　on　the　other　hand；　the　freehold　character　of　the　tenements　may　be　coeval　with　the　'shareholding；'　and　in　this　latter　case　we　shall　have　to　admit　the　existence　of　freeholds　which　from　of　old　have　formed　an　element　in　the　village　community。　In　the　first　of　these　cases　again　we　shall　have　to　distinguish　between　two　suppositions：　　Servile　tenements　have　become　free；　this　may　be　due　either　to　some　general　measure　of　enfranchisement；　a　lord　having　preferred　to　take　money　rents　in　lieu　of　the　old　labour　services；　and　these　money　rents　being　the　modern　equivalent　for　those　old　services；　or　else　to　particular　and　occasional　feoffments　made　in　favour　of　those　who；　for　one　reason　or　another；　have　earned　some　benefit　at　the　lord's　hand。　To　put　it　shortly；　we　may　explain　the　phenomenon　either　by　a　process　of　commutation　such　as　that　which　turned　'workland'　into　'molland；'　or　by　special　privileges　which　have　exempted　certain　shares　in　the　land　from　a　general　scheme　of　villainage；　or；　lastly；　by　the　existence　of　freeholds　as　normal　factors　in　the　ancient　village　community。　　　　　Let　us　test　these　various　suppositions　by　the　facts　recorded　in　our　surveys。　At　first　sight　it　may　seem　possible　to　account　for　the　freehold　virgates　by　reference　to　the　process　which　converted　'workland'　into　'molland。'　We　have　seen　above　that　if　a　lord　began　to　demand　money　instead　of　work；　the　result　might；　in　some　cases；　be　the　evolution　of　new　tenures　which　gradually　lost　their　villain　character　and　became　recognised　as　genuine　freeholds。　And　no　doubt　one　considerable　class　of　cases　can　be　explained　by　this　process。　But　a　great　many　instances　seem　to　call　for　some　other　explanation。　To　begin　with；　the　mere　acceptance　of　rent　in　lieu　of　labour　did　not　make　the　tenement　a　freehold；　servile　tenements　were　frequently　put　ad　censum；（70*）　and　it　seems　difficult　to　believe　that　many　lords　allowed　a　commutation　of　labour　for　rent　to　have　the　effect　of　turning　villainage　into　freehold。　Another　difficulty　is　found　on　the　opposite　side。　What　force　kept　the　shares　together　when　they　had　become　free？　Why　did　they　not　accumulate　and　disperse　according　to　the　chances　of　free　development？　It　may　be　thought　that　custom；　and　express　conditions　of　feoffment；　must　have　acted　against　disruption。　I　do　not　deny　the　possibility；　but　I　say　that　it　is　not　easy　to　explain　the　very　widely　diffused　phenomenon　of　free　shareholding　by　a　commutation　which　tended　to　break　up　the　shares　and　to　make　them　useless　for　the　purposes　of　assessment。　Still　I　grant　that　these　considerations；　though　they　should　have　some　weight；　are　not　decisive；　and　I　insist　chiefly　on　the　following　argument。　　　　　The　peculiar　trait　which　distinguishes　'molland'　is　the　transition　from　labour　service　to　money　rent；　and　the　rent　is　undoubtedly　considered　as　an　equivalent　for　the　right　to　labour　services　which　the　lord　abandons。　It　must　be　admitted　that　in　some　cases　the　lord　may　have　taken　less　than　the　real　equivalent　in　order　to　get　such　a　convenient　commodity　as　money；　or　because　for　some　reason　or　another　he　was　in　need　of　current　coin。　Still　I　am　not　afraid　to　say　that；　in　a　general　way；　commutation　supposes　an　exchange　against　an　equivalent。　Indeed　the　demand　for　money　rents　was　considered　rather　as　increasing　than　as　decreasing　the　burden　incumbent　on　the　peasantry。（71*）　Now；　although　it　would　be　preposterous　to　try　and　make　out　in　every　single　case　whether　the　rent　of　the　free　virgate　is　an　adequate　equivalent　for　villain　services　or　not；　there　is　a　very　sufficient　number　of　instances　in　which　a　rough　reckoning　may　be　made　without　fear　of　going　much　astray。（72*）　And　if　we　attempt　such　a　reckoning　we　shall　be　struck　by　the　number　of　cases　in　which　the　rent　of　the　free　virgate　falls　considerably　short　of　what　it　yielded　by　the　virgate　of　the　villain。　We　have　seen　that　in　Ravenston；　Bedfordshire；　the　villain　service　is　valued　at　eight　shillings　per　virgate；　and　that　the　free　assessment　amounts　only　to　four　shillings。　In　Thriplow；　Cambridgeshire；　the　villains　perform　labour　duties　valued　at　9s。　4d。　per　bovate；　the　freeholders　are　assessed　variously；　but　there　is　a　certain　number　among　them　which　forms；　as　it　were；　the　stock　of　that　class；　and　their　average　rent　is　5s。　6d。　per　bovate。（73*）　In　Tyringham；　Buckinghamshire；　the　villain　holding　is　computed　at　six　acres　and　one　rood；　and　its　service　at　five　shillings；　the　free　virgates　have　a　like　number　of　acres　and　pay　various　rents；　but　almost　without　exception　less　than　the　villains。（74*）　In　Croxton；　Cambridgeshire；　there　are　customers　with　twenty　acres；　and　others　with　ten　acres；　the　first　have　to　pay　ten　shillings　and　to　assist　at　four　boonworks。　The　free　holders　are　possessed　of　plots　of　irregular　size；　and　their　rent　is　also　irregular；　but　on　the　average　much　lower　than　that　of　the　customers。（75*）　Let　it　be　noted　that　the　customary　tenants　have　commuted　their　labour　services　into　money　payments；　and。　in　fact；　they　are　to　be　considered　as　molmen　in　the　first　stage　of　development。　Still；　their　payments　are　computed　on　a　different　scale　from　those　of　the　free。　　　　　In　Brandone；　Warwickshire；　the　typical　villain；　William　Bateman；　pays　for　his　virgate　5s。　3d。；　and　sends　one　man　to　work　twice　a　week　from　the　29th　of　June　until　the　ist　of　August；　and　thence　onward　his　man　has　to　work　two　days　one　week　and　three　days　the　next。　The　free　half…virgate　merely　pays　five　shillings；　and　does　suit　to　the　manorial　court。　This　last　point　makes　no　difference；　because　the　villain　had　to　attend　the　manorial　court　quite　as　regularly　as　the　freeholder；　and　indeed　more　regularly　；　because　he　was　obliged　to　serve　on　inquests。（76*）　In　Bathekynton；　Warwickshire；　the　difference　in　favour　of　the　free　is　also　noticeable；　but　not　so　great。（77*）　And　these　are　by　no　means　exceptional　cases。　Nothing　is　more　common　than　to　find　free　tenements　held　by　trifling　services；　and　whatever　we　may　think　of　single　cases；　it　would　be　absurd　to　explain　such　arrangements　in　the　aggregate　as　the　results　of　a　bargain　between　lord　and　serfs。　It　is　evident；　therefore；　that　a　reference　to　'molland；'　to　a　commutation　of　labour　into　rent；　does　not　suit　these　cases。（78*）　　　　　Can　we　explain　these　cases　of　'free　shareholding'　by　feoffments　made　to　favoured　persons？　We　have　seen　that　the　lord　used　to　recompense　his　servants　by　grants　of　land　and　that　he　favoured　the　spread　of　cultivation　by　exacting　but　a　light　rent　from　newly　reclaimed　land。　Such　transactions　would　undoubtedly　produce　free　tenements　held　on　very　advantageous　terms；　but　still　they　seem　incapable　of　solving　our　problem。　Tenements　created　by　way　of　beneficial　feoffment　are　in　general　easily　recognised。　The　holdings　of　servants　and　other　people　endowed　by　favour　are　always　few　and　inter