＇223＇ that has been suggested； I think that the school boards will
have quite as much on their hands as they are capable of doing well。
The influences under which the members of these bodies are elected do
not tend to secure fitness for dealing with scientific or technical
education； and it is the less necessary to burden them with an
uncongenial task as there are other organizations； not only much
better fitted to do the work； but already actually doing it。
In the matter of preliminary scientific education； the chief of these
is the Science and Art Department； which has done more during the last
quarter of a century for the teaching of elementary science among the
masses of the people than any organization which exists either in this
or in any other country。 It has become veritably a people's
university； so far as physical science is concerned。 At the foundation
of our old universities they were freely open to the poorest； but the
poorest must come to them。 In the last quarter of a century； the
Science and Art Department； by means of its classes spread all over
the country and open to all； has conveyed instruction to the poorest。
The University Extension movement shows that our older learned
corporations have discovered the propriety of following suit。
Technical education； in the strict sense； has become a necessity for
two reasons。 The old apprenticeship system has broken down； partly by
＇224＇ reason of the changed conditions of industrial life； and partly
because trades have ceased to be 〃crafts；〃 the traditional secrets
whereof the master handed down to his apprentices。 Invention is
constantly changing the face of our industries； so that 〃use and
wont；〃 〃rule of thumb；〃 and the like； are gradually losing their
importance； while that knowledge of principles which alone can deal
successfully with changed conditions is becoming more and more
valuable。 Socially； the 〃master〃 of four or five apprentices is
disappearing in favour of the 〃employer〃 of forty； or four hundred； or
four thousand； 〃hands；〃 and the odds and ends of technical knowledge；
formerly picked up in a shop； are not； and cannot be； supplied in the
factory。 The instruction formerly given by the master must therefore
be more than replaced by the systematic teaching of the technical
school。
Institutions of this kind on varying scales of magnitude and
completeness； from the splendid edifice set up by the City and Guilds
Institute to the smallest local technical school； to say nothing of
classes； such as those in technology instituted by the Society of Arts
（subsequently taken over by the City Guilds）； have been established in
various parts of the country； and the movement in favour of their
increase and multiplication is rapidly growing in breadth and
intensity。 But there is much difference of opinion as to the best
＇225＇ way in which the technical instruction； so generally desired；
should be given。 Two courses appear to be practicable： the one is the
establishment of special technical schools with a systematic and
lengthened course of instruction demanding the employment of the whole
time of the pupils。 The other is the setting afoot of technical
classes； especially evening classes； comprising a short series of
lessons on some special topic； which may be attended by persons
already earning wages in some branch of trade or commerce。
There is no doubt that technical schools； on the plan indicated under
the first head； are extremely costly； and； so far as the teaching of
artisans is concerned； it is very commonly objected to them that； as
the learners do not work under trade conditions； they are apt to fall
into amateurish habits； which prove of more hindrance than service in
the actual business of life。 When such schools are attached to
factories under the direction of an employer who desires to train up a
supply of intelligent workmen； of course this objection does not
apply； nor can the usefulness of such schools for the training of
future employers and for the higher grade of the employed be doubtful；
but they are clearly out of the reach of the great mass of the people；
who have to earn their bread as soon as possible。 We must therefore
look to the classes； and especially to evening classes； as the great
instrument for the technical ＇226＇ education of the artisan。 The
utility of such classes has now been placed beyond all doubt； the only
question which remains is to find the ways and means of extending
them。
We are here； as in all other questions of social organization； met by
two diametrically opposed views。 On the one hand； the methods pursued
in foreign countries are held up as our example。 The State is exhorted
to take the matter in hand and establish a great system of technical
education。 On the other hand； many economists of the individualist
school exhaust the resources of language in condemning and
repudiating； not merely the interference of the general government in
such matters； but the application of a farthing of the funds raised by
local taxation to these purposes。 I entertain a strong conviction
that； in this country； at any rate； the State had much better leave
purely technical and trade instruction alone。 But； although my
personal leanings are decidedly towards the individualists； I have
arrived at that conclusion on merely practical grounds。 In fact； my
individualism is rather of a sentimental sort； and I sometimes think I
should be stronger in the faith if it were less vehemently advocated。*
I am unable to see that civil society is anything but a corporation
established ＇227＇ for a moral object onlynamely； the good of its
membersand therefore that it may take such measures as seem fitting
for the attainment of that which the general voice decides to be the
general good。 That the suffrage of the majority is by no means a
scientific test of social good and evil is unfortunately too true；
but； in practice； it is the only test we can apply； and the refusal to
abide by it means anarchy。 The purest despotism that ever existed is
as much based upon that will of the majority （which is usually
submission to the will of a small minority） as the freest republic。
Law is the expression of the opinion of the majority； and it is law；
and not mere opinion； because the many are strong enough to enforce
it。
* In what follows I am only repeating and emphasizing
opinions which I expressed seventeen years ago； in an
Address to the members of the Midland Institute
（republished in Critiques and Addresses in 1873； and in Vol。
I。 of these Essays ）。 I have seen no reason to modify them；
notwithstanding high authority on the other side。
I am as strongly convinced as the most pronounced individualist can be；
that it is desirable that every man should be free to act in every way
which does not limit the corresponding freedom of his fellow…man。 But
I fail to connect that great induction of political science with the
practical corollary which is frequently drawn from it： that the
Statethat is； the people in their corporate capacityhas no
business to meddle with anything but the administration of justice and
external defence。 It appears to me that the ＇228＇ amount of freedom
which incorporate society may fitly leave to its members is not a
fixed quantity； to be determined a priori by deduction from the
fiction called 〃natural rights〃； but that it must be determined by；
and vary with； circumstances。 I conceive it to be demonstrable that
the higher and the more complex the organization of the social body；
the more closely is the life of each member bound up with that of the
whole； and the larger becomes the category of acts which cease to be
merely self…regarding； and which interfere with the freedom of others
more or less seriously。
If a squatter； living ten miles away from any neighbour； chooses to
burn his house down to get rid of vermin； there may be no necessity
（in the absence of insurance offices） that the law should interfere
with his freedom of action； his act can hurt nobody but himself。 But；
if the dweller in a street chooses to do the same thing； the State
very properly makes such a proceeding a crime； and punishes it as
such。 He does meddle with his neighbour's freedom； and that seriously。
So it might； perhaps； be a tenable doctrine； that it would be
needless； and even tyrannous； to make education compulsory in a sparse
agricultural population； living in abundance on the produce of its own
soil； but； in a densely populated manufacturing country； struggling
for existence with competitors； every ignorant person tends to ＇229＇
become a burden upon； and； so far； an infringer of the liberty of； his
fellows； and an obstacle to their success。 Under such circumstances an
education rate is； in fact； a war tax； levied for purposes of defence。
That State action always has been more or less misdirected； and always
will be so； is； I believe； perfectly true。 But I am not aware that it
is more true of the action of men in their corporate capacity than it
is of the doings of individuals。 The wisest and most dispassionate man
in existence； merely wishing to go from one stile in a field to the
opposite； will not walk quite straighthe is always going a little
wrong； and always correcting himself； and I can only congratulate the
individualist who is able to say that his general course of life has
been of a less undulatory character。 To abolish State action； because
its direction is never more than approximately correct； appears to me
to be much the same thing as abolishing the man at the wheel
altogether； because； do what he will； the ship yaws more or less。 〃Why
should I be robbed of my property to pay for teaching another man's
children？〃 is an individualist question； which is not unfrequently put
as if it settled the whole business。 Perhaps it does； but I find
difficulties in seeing why it should。 The parish in which I live makes
me pay my share for the paving and lighting of a great many streets
that I never pass through； ＇230＇ and I might plead that I am robbed to
smooth the way and lighten the darkness of other people。 But I am
afraid the parochial authorities would not let me off on this plea；
and I m