part6- 第5部分

rumour　was　infinitely　greater；　and　it　must　not　be　wondered　that　our

friends　abroad　（as　my　brother's　correspondents　in　particular　were　told

there；　namely；　in　Portugal　and　Italy；　where　he　chiefly　traded）　＇said＇

that　in　London　there　died　twenty　thousand　in　a　week；　that　the　dead

bodies　lay　unburied　by　heaps；　that　the　living　were　not　sufficient　to

bury　the　dead　or　the　sound　to　look　after　the　sick；　that　all　the　kingdom

was　infected　likewise；　so　that　it　was　an　universal　malady　such　as　was

never　heard　of　in　those　parts　of　the　world；　and　they　could　hardly

believe　us　when　we　gave　them　an　account　how　things　really　were；　and

how　there　was　not　above　one…tenth　part　of　the　people　dead；　that　there

was　500；000；　left　that　lived　all　the　time　in　the　town；　that　now　the

people　began　to　walk　the　streets　again；　and　those　who　were　fled　to

return；　there　was　no　miss　of　the　usual　throng　of　people　in　the　streets；

except　as　every　family　might　miss　their　relations　and　neighbours；　and

the　like。　　I　say　they　could　not　believe　these　things；　and　if　inquiry　were

now　to　be　made　in　Naples；　or　in　other　cities　on　the　coast　of　Italy；　they

would　tell　you　that　there　was　a　dreadful　infection　in　London　so　many　years　ago；

in　which；　as　above；　there　died　twenty　thousand　in　a　week；　&c。；　just　as　we　have

had　it　reported　in　London　that　there　was　a　plague　in　the　city　of　Naples

in　the　year　1656；　in　which　there　died　20；000　people　in　a　day；　of　which

I　have　had　very　good　satisfaction　that　it　was　utterly　false。



But　these　extravagant　reports　were　very　prejudicial　to　our　trade；　as

well　as　unjust　and　injurious　in　themselves；　for　it　was　a　long　time　after

the　plague　was　quite　over　before　our　trade　could　recover　itself　in　those

parts　of　the　world；　and　the　Flemings　and　Dutch　（but　especially　the

last）　made　very　great　advantages　of　it；　having　all　the　market　to

themselves；　and　even　buying　our　manufactures　in　several　parts　of

England　where　the　plague　was　not；　and　carrying　them　to　Holland　and

Flanders；　and　from　thence　transporting　them　to　Spain　and　to　Italy　as　if

they　had　been　of　their　own　making。



But　they　were　detected　sometimes　and　punished：　that　is　to　say；　their

goods　confiscated　and　ships　also；　for　if　it　was　true　that　our

manufactures　as　well　as　our　people　were　infected；　and　that　it　was

dangerous　to　touch　or　to　open　and　receive　the　smell　of　them；　then

those　people　ran　the　hazard　by　that　clandestine　trade　not　only　of

carrying　the　contagion　into　their　own　country；　but　also　of　infecting　the

nations　to　whom　they　traded　with　those　goods；　which；　considering

how　many　lives　might　be　lost　in　consequence　of　such　an　action；　must

be　a　trade　that　no　men　of　conscience　could　suffer　themselves　to　be

concerned　in。



I　do　not　take　upon　me　to　say　that　any　harm　was　done；　I　mean　of　that

kind；　by　those　people。　　But　I　doubt　I　need　not　make　any　such　proviso

in　the　case　of　our　own　country；　for　either　by　our　people　of　London；　or

by　the　commerce　which　made　their　conversing　with　all　sorts　of　people

in　every　country　and　of　every　considerable　town　necessary；　I　say；　by

this　means　the　plague　was　first　or　last　spread　all　over　the　kingdom；　as

well　in　London　as　in　all　the　cities　and　great　towns；　especially　in　the

trading　manufacturing　towns　and　seaports；　so　that；　first　or　last；　all　the

considerable　places　in　England　were　visited　more　or　less；　and　the

kingdom　of　Ireland　in　some　places；　but　not　so　universally。　　How　it

fared　with　the　people　in　Scotland　I　had　no　opportunity　to　inquire。



It　is　to　be　observed　that　while　the　plague　continued　so　violent　in

London；　the　outports；　as　they　are　called；　enjoyed　a　very　great　trade；

especially　to　the　adjacent　countries　and　to　our　own　plantations。　　For

example；　the　towns　of　Colchester；　Yarmouth；　and　Hun；　on　that　side　of

England；　exported　to　Holland　and　Hamburg　the　manufactures　of　the

adjacent　countries　for　several　months　after　the　trade　with　London　was；

as　it　were；　entirely　shut　up；　likewise　the　cities　of　Bristol　and　Exeter；

with　the　port　of　Plymouth；　had　the　like　advantage　to　Spain；　to　the

Canaries；　to　Guinea；　and　to　the　West　Indies；　and　particularly　to

Ireland；　but　as　the　plague　spread　itself　every　way　after　it　had　been　in

London　to　such　a　degree　as　it　was　in　August　and　September；　so　all　or

most　of　those　cities　and　towns　were　infected　first　or　last；　and　then

trade　was；　as　it　were；　under　a　general　embargo　or　at　a　full　stop　…　as　I

shall　observe　further　when　I　speak　of　our　home　trade。



One　thing；　however；　must　be　observed：　that　as　to　ships　coming　in

from　abroad　（as　many；　you　may　be　sure；　did）　some　who　were　out　in　all

parts　of　the　world　a　considerable　while　before；　and　some　who　when

they　went　out　knew　nothing　of　an　infection；　or　at　least　of　one　so

terrible　…　these　came　up　the　river　boldly；　and　delivered　their　cargoes　as

they　were　obliged　to　do；　except　just　in　the　two　months　of　August　and

September；　when　the　weight　of　the　infection　lying；　as　I　may　say；　all

below　Bridge；　nobody　durst　appear　in　business　for　a　while。　　But　as　this

continued　but　for　a　few　weeks；　the　homeward…bound　ships；　especially

such　whose　cargoes　were　not　liable　to　spoil；　came　to　an　anchor　for　a

time　short　of　the　Pool；*　or　fresh…water　part　of　the　river；　even　as　low　as

the　river　Medway；　where　several　of　them　ran　in；　and　others　lay　at　the

Nore；　and　in　the　Hope　below　Gravesend。　　So　that　by　the　latter　end　of

October　there　was　a　very　great　fleet　of　homeward…bound　ships　to

come　up；　such　as　the　like　had　not　been　known　for　many　years。

*　That　part　of　the　river　where　the　ships　lie　up　when　they　come　home　is

called　the　Pool；　and　takes　in　all　the　river　on　both　sides　of　the　water；

from　the　Tower　to　Cuckold's　Point　and　Limehouse。　＇Footnote　in　the　original。＇





Two　particular　trades　were　carried　on　by　water…carriage　all　the

while　of　the　infection；　and　that　with　little　or　no　interruption；　very

much　to　the　advantage　and　comfort　of　the　poor　distressed　people　of

the　city：　and　those　were　the　coasting　trade　for　corn　and

the　Newcastle　trade　for　coals。



The　first　of　these　was　particularly　carried　on　by　small　vessels　from

the　port　of　Hull　and　other　places　on　the　Humber；　by　which　great

quantities　of　corn　were　brought　in　from　Yorkshire　and　Lincolnshire。

The　other　part　of　this　corn…trade　was　from　Lynn；　in　Norfolk；　from

Wells　and　Burnham；　and　from　Yarmouth；　all　in　the　same　county；　and

the　third　branch　was　from　the　river　Medway；　and　from　Milton；

Feversham；　Margate；　and　Sandwich；　and　all　the　other　little　places　and

ports　round　the　coast　of　Kent　and　Essex。



There　was　also　a　very　good　trade　from　the　coast　of　Suffolk　with

corn；　butter；　and　cheese；　these　vessels　kept　a　constant　course　of　trade；

and　without　interruption　came　up　to　that　market　known　still　by　the

name　of　Bear　Key；　where　they　supplied　the　city　plentifully　with　corn

when　land…carriage　began　to　fail；　and　when　the　people　began　to　be

sick　of　coming　from　many　places　in　the　country。



This　also　was　much　of　it　owing　to　the　prudence　and　conduct　of　the

Lord　Mayor；　who　took　such　care　to　keep　the　masters　and　seamen　from

danger　when　they　came　up；　causing　their　corn　to　be　bought　off　at　any

time　they　wanted　a　market　（which；　however；　was　very　seldom）；　and

causing　the　corn…factors　immediately　to　unlade　and　deliver　the　vessels

loaden　with　corn；　that　they　had　very　little　occasion　to　come　out　of

their　ships　or　vessels；　the　money　being　always　carried　on　board　to

them　and　put　into　a　pail　of　vinegar　before　it　was　carried。



The　second　trade　was　that　of　coals　from　Newcastle…upon…Tyne；

without　which　the　city　would　have　been　greatly　distressed；　for　not　in

the　streets　only；　but　in　private　houses　and　families；　great　quantities　of

coals　were　then　burnt；　even　all　the　summer　long　and　when　the　weather

was　hottest；　which　was　done　by　the　advice　of　the　physicians。　　Some

indeed　opposed　it；　and　insisted　that　to　keep　the　houses　and　rooms　hot

was　a　means　to　propagate　the　temper；　which　was　a　fermentation　and

heat　already　in　the　blood；　that　it　was　known　to　spread　and　increase　in

hot　weather　and　abate　in　cold；　and　therefore　they　alleged　that　all

contagious　distempers　are　the　worse　for　heat；　because　the　contagion

was　nourished　and　gained　strength　in　hot　weather；　and　was；　as　it　were；

propagated　in　heat。



Others　said　they　granted　that　heat　in　the　climate　might　propagate

infection　…　as　sultry；　hot　weather　fills　the　air　with　vermin　and

nourishes　innumerable　numbers　and　kinds　of　venomous　creatures

which　breed　in　our　food；　in　the　plants；　and　even　in　our　bodies；　by　the

very　stench　of　which　infection　may　be　propagated；　also　that　heat　in

the　air；　or　heat　of　weather；　as　we　ordinarily　call　it；　makes　bodies　relax

and　faint；　exhausts　the　spirits；　opens　the　pores；　and　makes　us　more　apt

to　receive　infection；　or　any　evil　influence；　be　it　from　noxious

pestilential　vapours　or　any　other　thing　in　the　air；　but　that　the　heat　of

fire；　and　especially　of　coal　fires　kept　in　our　houses；　or　near　us；　had　a

quite　different　operation；　the　heat　being　not　of　the　same　kind；　but

quick　and　fierce；　tending　not　to　nourish　but　to　consume　and　dissipate

all　those　noxious　fumes　which　the　other　kind　of　heat　rather　exhaled

and　stagnated　than　separated　and　burnt　up。　　Besides；　it　was　alleged

that　the　sulphurous　and　nitrous　particles　that　are　often　found　to　be　in

the　coal；　with　that　bituminous　substance　which　burns；　are　all　assisting

to　clear　and　purge　the　air；　and　render　it　wholesome　and　safe　to　breathe

in　after　the　noxious　particles；　as　above；　are　dispersed　and　burnt　up。



The　latter　opinion　prevailed　at　that　time；　and；　as　I　must　confess；　I

think　with　good　reason；　and　the　experience　of　the　citizens　confirmed

it；　many　houses　which　had　constant　fires　kept　in　the　rooms　having

never　been　infected　at　all；　and　I　must　join　my　experience　to　it；　for　I

found　the　keeping　good　fires　kept　our　rooms　sweet　and　wholesome；

and　I　do　verily　believe　made　our　whole　family　so；　more　than　would

otherwise　have　been。



But　I　return　to　the　coals　as　a　trade。