the writings-2- 第13部分

General　Government　to　take　in　hand。　　Accordingly　he　suggests；　in

case　any　such　be　discovered；　the　propriety　of　amending　the

Constitution。　　Amend　it　for　what？　　If；　like　Mr。　Jefferson；　the

President　thought　improvements　expedient；　but　not　constitutional；

it　would　be　natural　enough　for　him　to　recommend　such　an

amendment。　　But　hear　what　he　says　in　this　very　message：



〃In　view　of　these　portentous　consequences；　I　cannot　but　think

that　this　course　of　legislation　should　be　arrested；　even　were

there　nothing　to　forbid　it　in　the　fundamental　laws　of　our　Union。〃



For　what；　then；　would　he　have　the　Constitution　amended？　　With　him

it　is　a　proposition　to　remove　one　impediment　merely　to　be　met　by

others　which；　in　his　opinion；　cannot　be　removed；　to　enable

Congress　to　do　what；　in　his　opinion；　they　ought　not　to　do　if　they

could。



Here　Mr。　Meade　of　Virginia　inquired　if　Mr。　Lincoln　understood　the

President　to　be　opposed；　on　grounds　of　expediency；　to　any　and

every　improvement。



Mr。　Lincoln　answered：　In　the　very　part　of　his　message　of　which　I

am　speaking；　I　understand　him　as　giving　some　vague　expression　in

favor　of　some　possible　objects　of　improvement；　but　in　doing　so　I

understand　him　to　be　directly　on　the　teeth　of　his　own　arguments

in　other　parts　of　it。　　Neither　the　President　nor　any　one　can

possibly　specify　an　improvement　which　shall　not　be　clearly　liable

to　one　or　another　of　the　objections　he　has　urged　on　the　score　of

expediency。　　I　have　shown；　and　might　show　again；　that　no　workno

objectcan　be　so　general　as　to　dispense　its　benefits　with

precise　equality；　and　this　inequality　is　chief　among　the

〃portentous　consequences〃　for　which　he　declares　that　improvements

should　be　arrested。　　No；　sir。　　When　the　President　intimates　that

something　in　the　way　of　improvements　may　properly　be　done　by　the

General　Government；　he　is　shrinking　from　the　conclusions　to　which

his　own　arguments　would　force　him。　　He　feels　that　the

improvements　of　this　broad　and　goodly　land　are　a　mighty　interest；

and　he　is　unwilling　to　confess　to　the　people；　or　perhaps　to

himself；　that　he　has　built　an　argument　which；　when　pressed　to　its

conclusions；　entirely　annihilates　this　interest。



I　have　already　said　that　no　one　who　is　satisfied　of　the

expediency　of　making　improvements　needs　be　much　uneasy　in　his

conscience　about　its　constitutionality。　　I　wish　now　to　submit　a

few　remarks　on　the　general　proposition　of　amending　the

Constitution。　　As　a　general　rule；　I　think　we　would　much　better

let　it　alone。　　No　slight　occasion　should　tempt　us　to　touch　it。

Better　not　take　the　first　step；　which　may　lead　to　a　habit　of

altering　it。　　Better；　rather；　habituate　ourselves　to　think　of　it

as　unalterable。　　It　can　scarcely　be　made　better　than　it　is。　　New

provisions　would　introduce　new　difficulties；　and　thus　create　and

increase　appetite　for　further　change。　　No；　sir；　let　it　stand　as

it　is。　　New　hands　have　never　touched　it。　　The　men　who　made　it

have　done　their　work；　and　have　passed　away。　　Who　shall　improve　on

what　they　did？



Mr。　Chairman；　for　the　purpose　of　reviewing　this　message　in　the

least　possible　time；　as　well　as　for　the　sake　of　distinctness；　I

have　analyzed　its　arguments　as　well　as　I　could；　and　reduced　them

to　the　propositions　I　have　stated。　　I　have　now　examined　them　in

detail。　　I　wish　to　detain　the　committee　only　a　little　while

longer　with　some　general　remarks　upon　the　subject　of

improvements。　　That　the　subject　is　a　difficult　one；　cannot　be

denied。　　Still　it　is　no　more　difficult　in　Congress　than　in　the

State　Legislatures；　in　the　counties；　or　in　the　smallest　municipal

districts　which　anywhere　exist。　　All　can　recur　to　instances　of

this　difficulty　in　the　case　of　county　roads；　bridges；　and　the

like。　　One　man　is　offended　because　a　road　passes　over　his　land；

and　another　is　offended　because　it　does　not　pass　over　his；　one　is

dissatisfied　because　the　bridge　for　which　he　is　taxed　crosses　the

river　on　a　different　road　from　that　which　leads　from　his　house　to

town；　another　cannot　bear　that　the　county　should　be　got　in　debt

for　these　same　roads　and　bridges；　while　not　a　few　struggle　hard

to　have　roads　located　over　their　lands；　and　then　stoutly　refuse

to　let　them　be　opened　until　they　are　first　paid　the　damages。

Even　between　the　different　wards　and　streets　of　towns　and　cities

we　find　this　same　wrangling　and　difficulty。　　Now　these　are　no

other　than　the　very　difficulties　against　which；　and　out　of　which；

the　President　constructs　his　objections　of　〃inequality；〃

〃speculation；〃　and　〃crushing　the　treasury。〃　　There　is　but　a

single　alternative　about　them：　they　are　sufficient；　or　they　are

not。　　If　sufficient；　they　are　sufficient　out　of　Congress　as　well

as　in　it；　and　there　is　the　end。　　We　must　reject　them　as

insufficient；　or　lie　down　and　do　nothing　by　any　authority。　　Then；

difficulty　though　there　be；　let　us　meet　and　encounter　it。

〃Attempt　the　end；　and　never　stand　to　doubt；　nothing　so　hard；　but

search　will　find　it　out。〃　Determine　that　the　thing　can　and　shall

be　done；　and　then　we　shall　find　the　way。　　The　tendency　to　undue

expansion　is　unquestionably　the　chief　difficulty。



How　to　do　something；　and　still　not　do　too　much；　is　the

desideratum。　　Let　each　contribute　his　mite　in　the　way　of

suggestion。　　The　late　Silas　Wright；　in　a　letter　to　the　Chicago

convention；　contributed　his；　which　was　worth　something；　and　I　now

contribute　mine；　which　may　be　worth　nothing。　　At　all　events；　it

will　mislead　nobody；　and　therefore　will　do　no　harm。　　I　would　not

borrow　money。　　I　am　against　an　overwhelming；　crushing　system。

Suppose　that；　at　each　session；　Congress　shall　first　determine　how

much　money　can；　for　that　year；　be　spared　for　improvements；　then

apportion　that　sum　to　the　most　important　objects。　　So　far　all　is

easy；　but　how　shall　we　determine　which　are　the　most　important？

On　this　question　comes　the　collision　of　interests。　　I　shall　be

slow　to　acknowledge　that　your　harbor　or　your　river　is　more

important　than　mine；　and　vice　versa。　　To　clear　this　difficulty；

let　us　have　that　same　statistical　information　which　the　gentleman

from　Ohio　＇Mr。　Vinton＇　suggested　at　the　beginning　of　this

session。　　In　that　information　we　shall　have　a　stern；　unbending

basis　of　factsa　basis　in　no　wise　subject　to　whim；　caprice；　or

local　interest。　　The　prelimited　amount　of　means　will　save　us　from

doing　too　much；　and　the　statistics　will　save　us　from　doing　what

we　do　in　wrong　places。　　Adopt　and　adhere　to　this　course；　and；　it

seems　to　me；　the　difficulty　is　cleared。



One　of　the　gentlemen　from　South　Carolina　＇Mr。　Rhett＇　very　much

deprecates　these　statistics。　　He　particularly　objects；　as　I

understand　him；　to　counting　all　the　pigs　and　chickens　in　the

land。　　I　do　not　perceive　much　force　in　the　objection。　　It　is　true

that　if　everything　be　enumerated；　a　portion　of　such　statistics

may　not　be　very　useful　to　this　object。　　Such　products　of　the

country　as　are　to　be　consumed　where　they　are　produced　need　no

roads　or　rivers；　no　means　of　transportation；　and　have　no　very

proper　connection　with　this　subject。　　The　surplusthat　which　is

produced　in　one　place　to　be　consumed　in　another；　the　capacity　of

each　locality　for　producing　a　greater　surplus；　the　natural　means

of　transportation；　and　their　susceptibility　of　improvement；　the

hindrances；　delays；　and　losses　of　life　and　property　during

transportation；　and　the　causes　of　each；　would　be　among　the　most

valuable　statistics　in　this　connection。　　From　these　it　would

readily　appear　where　a　given　amount　of　expenditure　would　do　the

most　good。　　These　statistics　might　be　equally　accessible；　as　they

would　be　equally　useful；　to　both　the　nation　and　the　States。　　In

this　way；　and　by　these　means；　let　the　nation　take　hold　of　the

larger　works；　and　the　States　the　smaller　ones；　and　thus；　working

in　a　meeting　direction；　discreetly；　but　steadily　and　firmly；　what

is　made　unequal　in　one　place　may　be　equalized　in　another；

extravagance　avoided；　and　the　whole　country　put　on　that　career　of

prosperity　which　shall　correspond　with　its　extent　of　territory；

its　natural　resources；　and　the　intelligence　and　enterprise　of　its

people。









OPPORTUNITIES　FOR　YOUNG　POLITICIANS



TO　WILLIAM　H。　HERNDON。



WASHINGTON；　June　22；　1848。



DEAR　WILLIAM：Last　night　I　was　attending　a　sort　of　caucus　of　the

Whig　members；　held　in　relation　to　the　coming　Presidential

election。　　The　whole　field　of　the　nation　was　scanned；　and　all　is

high　hope　and　confidence。　　Illinois　is　expected　to　better　her

condition　in　this　race。　　Under　these　circumstances；　judge　how

heartrending　it　was　to　come　to　my　room　and　find　and　read　your

discouraging　letter　of　the　15th。　　We　have　made　no　gains；　but　have

lost　〃H。　　R。　　Robinson；　Turner；　Campbell；　and　four　or　five　more。〃

Tell　Arney　to　reconsider；　if　he　would　be　saved。　　Baker　and　I　used

to　do　something；　but　I　think　you　attach　more　importance　to　our

absence　than　is　just。　　There　is　another　cause。　　In　1840；　for

instance；　we　had　two　senators　and　five　representatives　in

Sangamon；　now　we　have　part　of　one　senator　and　two

representatives。　　With　quite　one　third　more　people　than　we　had

then；　we　have　only　half　the　sort　of　offices　which　are　sought　by

men　of　the　speaking　sort　of　talent。　　This；　I　think；　is　the　chief

cause。　　Now；　as　to　the　young　men。　　You　must　not　wait　to　be

brought　forward　by　the　older　men。　　For　instance；　do　you　suppose

that　I　should　ever　have　got　into　notice　if　I　had　waited　to　be

hunted　up　and　pushed　forward　by　older　men？　　You　young　men　get

together　and　form　a　〃Rough　and　Ready　Club；〃　and　have　regular

meetings　and　speeches。　　Take　in　everybody　you　can　get。　　Harrison

Grimsley；　L。　　A。　　Enos；　Lee　Kimball；　and　C。　　W。　　Matheny　will　do

to　begin　the　thing；　but　as　you　go　along　gather　up　all　the　shrewd；

wild　boys　about　town；　whether　just　of　age；　or　a　little　under　age；

Chris。　　Logan；　Reddick　Ridgely；　Lewis　Zwizler；　and　hundreds　such。

Let　every　one　play　the　part　he　can　play　best；some　speak；　some

sing；　and　all　〃holler。〃　Your