the writings-2- 第28部分

CHALLENGED　VOTERS



OPINION　ON　THE　ILLINOIS　ELECTION　LAW。



SPRINGFIELD；　November　1；　1852



A　leading　article　in　the　Daily　Register　of　this　morning　has

induced　some　of　our　friends　to　request　our　opinion　on　the

election　laws　as　applicable　to　challenged　voters。　　We　have

examined　the　present　constitution　of　the　State；　the　election　law

of　1849；　and　the　unrepealed　parts　of　the　election　law　in　the

revised　code　of　1845；　and　we　are　of　the　opinion　that　any　person

taking　the　oath　prescribed　in　the　act　of　1849　is　entitled　to　vote

unless　counter…proof　be　made　satisfactory　to　a　majority　of　the

judges　that　such　oath　is　untrue；　and　that　for　the　purpose　of

obtaining　such　counter…proof；　the　proposed　voter　may　be　asked

questions　in　the　way　of　cross…examination；　and　other　independent

testimony　may　be　received。　　We　base　our　opinion　as　to　receiving

counter…proof　upon　the　unrepealed　Section　nineteen　of　the

election　law　in　the　revised　code。



A。　LINCOLN；

B。　S。　EDWARDS

S。　T。　LOGAN。

S。　H。　TREAT









1853





LEGAL　OFFICE　WORK



TO　JOSHUA　R。　　STANFORD。



PEKIN；　MAY　12；　1853



Mr。　JOSHUA　R。　STANFORD。



SIR：I　hope　the　subject…matter　of　this　letter　will　appear　a

sufficient　apology　to　you　for　the　liberty　I；　a　total　stranger；

take　in　addressing　you。　　The　persons　here　holding　two　lots　under

a　conveyance　made　by　you；　as　the　attorney　of　Daniel　M。　　Baily；

now　nearly　twenty…two　years　ago；　are　in　great　danger　of　losing

the　lots；　and　very　much；　perhaps　all；　is　to　depend　on　the

testimony　you　give　as　to　whether　you　did　or　did　not　account　to

Baily　for　the　proceeds　received　by　you　on　this　sale　of　the　lots。

I；　therefore；　as　one　of　the　counsel；　beg　of　you　to　fully　refresh

your　recollection　by　any　means　in　your　power　before　the　time　you

may　be　called　on　to　testify。　　If　persons　should　come　about　you；

and　show　a　disposition　to　pump　you　on　the　subject；　it　may　be　no

more　than　prudent　to　remember　that　it　may　be　possible　they　design

to　misrepresent　you　and　embarrass　the　real　testimony　you　may

ultimately　give。　　It　may　be　six　months　or　a　year　before　you　are

called　on　to　testify。



Respectfully；



A。　LINCOLN。









1854







TO　O。　L。　DAVIS。



SPRINGFIELD；　June　22；　1854。



O。　L。　DAVIS；　ESQ。



DEAR　SIR：You；　no　doubt；　remember　the　enclosed　memorandum　being

handed　me　in　your　office。　　I　have　just　made　the　desired　search；

and　find　that　no　such　deed　has　ever　been　here。　　Campbell；　the

auditor；　says　that　if　it　were　here；　it　would　be　in　his　office；

and　that　he　has　hunted　for　it　a　dozen　times；　and　could　never　find

it。　　He　says　that　one　time　and　another；　he　has　heard　much　about

the　matter；　that　it　was　not　a　deed　for　Right　of　Way；　but　a　deed；

outright；　for　Depot…groundat　least；　a　sale　for　Depot…ground；

and　there　may　never　have　been　a　deed。　　He　says；　if　there　is　a

deed；　it　is　most　probable　General　Alexander；　of　Paris；　has　it。



Yours　truly；



A。　LINCOLN。









NEBRASKA　MEASURE



TO　J。　M。　PALMER



＇Confidential＇



SPRINGFIELD；　Sept。　　7；　1854。



HON。　J。　M。　PALMER。



DEAR　SIR：You　know　how　anxious　I　am　that　this　Nebraska　measure

shall　be　rebuked　and　condemned　everywhere。　　Of　course　I　hope

something　from　your　position；　yet　I　do　not　expect　you　to　do

anything　which　may　be　wrong　in　your　own　judgment；　nor　would　I

have　you　do　anything　personally　injurious　to　yourself。　　You　are；

and　always　have　been；　honestly　and　sincerely　a　Democrat；　and　I

know　how　painful　it　must　be　to　an　honest；　sincere　man　to　be　urged

by　his　party　to　the　support　of　a　measure　which　in　his　conscience

he　believes　to　be　wrong。　　You　have　had　a　severe　struggle　with

yourself；　and　you　have　determined　not　to　swallow　the　wrong。　　Is

it　not　just　to　yourself　that　you　should；　in　a　few　public

speeches；　state　your　reasons；　and　thus　justify　yourself？　　I　wish

you　would；　and　yet　I　say；　don't　do　it；　if　you　think　it　will

injure　you。　　You　may　have　given　your　word　to　vote　for　Major

Harris；　and　if　so；　of　course　you　will　stick　to　it。　　But　allow　me

to　suggest　that　you　should　avoid　speaking　of　this；　for　it

probably　would　induce　some　of　your　friends　in　like　manner　to　cast

their　votes。　　You　understand。　　And　now　let　me　beg　your　pardon　for

obtruding　this　letter　upon　you；　to　whom　I　have　ever　been　opposed

in　politics。　　Had　your　party　omitted　to　make　Nebraska　a　test　of

party　fidelity；　you　probably　would　have　been　the　Democratic

candidate　for　Congress　in　the　district。　　You　deserved　it；　and　I

believe　it　would　have　been　given　you。　　In　that　case　I　should　have

been　quite　happy　that　Nebraska　was　to　be　rebuked　at　all　events。

I　still　should　have　voted　for　the　Whig　candidate；　but　I　should

have　made　no　speeches；　written　no　letters；　and　you　would　have

been　elected　by　at　least　a　thousand　majority。



Yours　truly；



A。　LINCOLN。









TO　A。　B。　MOREAU。



SPRINGFIELD；　September　7；　1854



A。　B。　MOREAU；　ESQ。



SIR：Stranger　though　I　am；　personally；　being　a　brother　in　the

faith；　I　venture　to　write　you。　　Yates　can　not　come　to　your　court

next　week。　　He　is　obliged　to　be　at　Pike　court　where　he　has　a

case；　with　a　fee　of　five　hundred　dollars；　two　hundred　dollars

already　paid。　　To　neglect　it　would　be　unjust　to　himself；　and

dishonest　to　his　client。　　Harris　will　be　with　you；　head　up　and

tail　up；　for　Nebraska。　　You　must　have　some　one　to　make　an　anti…

Nebraska　speech。　　Palmer　is　the　best；　if　you　can　get　him；　I

think。　　Jo。　　Gillespie；　if　you　can　not　get　Palmer；　and　somebody

anyhow；　if　you　can　get　neither。　　But　press　Palmer　hard。　　It　is　in

his　Senatorial　district；　I　believe。



Yours　etc。；



A。　LINCOLN。









REPLY　TO　SENATOR　DOUGLASPEORIA　SPEECH



SPEECH　AT　PEORIA；　ILLINOIS；

IN　REPLY　TO　SENATOR　DOUGLAS；



OCTOBER　16；　1854。



I　do　not　rise　to　speak　now；　if　I　can　stipulate　with　the　audience

to　meet　me　here　at　half…past　six　or　at　seven　o'clock。　　It　is　now

several　minutes　past　five；　and　Judge　Douglas　has　spoken　over

three　hours。　　If　you　hear　me　at　all；　I　wish　you　to　hear　me

through。　　It　will　take　me　as　long　as　it　has　taken　him。　　That　will

carry　us　beyond　eight　o'clock　at　night。　　Now；　every　one　of　you

who　can　remain　that　long　can　just　as　well　get　his　supper；　meet　me

at　seven；　and　remain　an　hour　or　two　later。　　The　Judge　has　already

informed　you　that　he　is　to　have　an　hour　to　reply　to　me。　　I　doubt

not　but　you　have　been　a　little　surprised　to　learn　that　I　have

consented　to　give　one　of　his　high　reputation　and　known　ability

this　advantage　of　me。　　Indeed；　my　consenting　to　it；　though

reluctant；　was　not　wholly　unselfish；　for　I　suspected；　if　it　were

understood　that　the　Judge　was　entirely　done；　you　Democrats　would

leave　and　not　hear　me；　but　by　giving　him　the　close；　I　felt

confident　you　would　stay　for　the　fun　of　hearing　him　skin　me。



The　audience　signified　their　assent　to　the　arrangement；　and

adjourned　to　seven　o'clock　P。M。；　at　which　time　they　reassembled；

and　Mr。　Lincoln　spoke　substantially　as　follows：



The　repeal　of　the　Missouri　Compromise；　and　the　propriety　of　its

restoration；　constitute　the　subject　of　what　I　am　about　to　say。

As　I　desire　to　present　my　own　connected　view　of　this　subject；　my

remarks　will　not　be　specifically　an　answer　to　Judge　Douglas；　yet；

as　I　proceed；　the　main　points　he　has　presented　will　arise；　and

will　receive　such　respectful　attention　as　I　may　be　able　to　give

them。　　I　wish　further　to　say　that　I　do　not　propose　to　question

the　patriotism　or　to　assail　the　motives　of　any　man　or　class　of

men；　but　rather　to　confine　myself　strictly　to　the　naked　merits　of

the　question。　　I　also　wish　to　be　no　less　than　national　in　all　the

positions　I　may　take；　and　whenever　I　take　ground　which　others

have　thought；　or　may　think；　narrow；　sectional；　and　dangerous　to

the　Union；　I　hope　to　give　a　reason　which　will　appear　sufficient；

at　least　to　some；　why　I　think　differently。



And　as　this　subject　is　no　other　than　part　and　parcel　of　the

larger　general　question　of　domestic　slavery；　I　wish　to　make　and

to　keep　the　distinction　between　the　existing　institution　and　the

extension　of　it　so　broad　and　so　clear　that　no　honest　man　can

misunderstand　me；　and　no　dishonest　one　successfully　misrepresent

me。



In　order　to　a　clear　understanding　of　what　the　Missouri　Compromise

is；　a　short　history　of　the　preceding　kindred　subjects　will

perhaps　be　proper。



When　we　established　our　independence；　we　did　not　own　or　claim　the

country　to　which　this　compromise　applies。　　Indeed；　strictly

speaking；　the　Confederacy　then　owned　no　country　at　all；　the

States　respectively　owned　the　country　within　their　limits；　and

some　of　them　owned　territory　beyond　their　strict　State　limits。

Virginia　thus　owned　the　Northwestern　Territorythe　country　out

of　which　the　principal　part　of　Ohio；　all　Indiana；　all　Illinois；

all　Michigan；　and　all　Wisconsin　have　since　been　formed。　　She　also

owned　（perhaps　within　her　then　limits）　what　has　since　been　formed

into　the　State　of　Kentucky。　　North　Carolina　thus　owned　what　is

now　the　State　of　Tennessee；　and　South　Carolina　and　Georgia　owned；

in　separate　parts；　what　are　now　Mississippi　and　Alabama。

Connecticut；　I　think；　owned　the　little　remaining　part　of　Ohio；

being　the　same　where　they　now　send　Giddings　to　Congress　and　beat

all　creation　in　making　cheese。



These　territories；　together　with　the　States　themselves；

constitute　all　the　country　over　which　the　Confederacy　then

claimed　any　sort　of　jurisdiction。　　We　were　then　living　under　the

Articles　of　Confederation；　which　were　superseded　by　the

Constitution　several　years　afterward。　　The　question　of　ceding　the

territories　to　the　General　Government　was　set　on　foot。　　Mr。

Jefferson；the　author　of　the　Declaration　of　Independence；　and

otherwise　a　chief　actor　in　the　Revolution；　then　a　delegate　in

Congress；　afterward；　twice　President；　who　was；　is；　and　perhaps

will　continue　to　be；　the　most　distinguished　politician　of　our

history；　a　Virginian　by　birth