the writings-2- 第38部分

that　the　negro　is　human；　and　consequently　has　no　idea　that　there

can　be　any　moral　question　in　legislating　about　him。　　In　his　view

the　question　of　whether　a　new　country　shall　be　slave　or　free　is　a

matter　of　as　utter　indifference　as　it　is　whether　his　neighbor

shall　plant　his　farm　with　tobacco　or　stock　it　with　horned　cattle。

Now；　whether　this　view　is　right　or　wrong；　it　is　very　certain　that

the　great　mass　of　mankind　take　a　totally　different　view。　　They

consider　slavery　a　great　moral　wrong；　and　their　feeling　against

it　is　not　evanescent；　but　eternal。　　It　lies　at　the　very

foundation　of　their　sense　of　justice；　and　it　cannot　be　trifled

with。　　It　is　a　great　and　durable　element　of　popular　action；　and　I

think　no　statesman　can　safely　disregard　it。



Our　Senator　also　objects　that　those　who　oppose　him　in　this　matter

do　not　entirely　agree　with　one　another。　　He　reminds　me　that　in　my

firm　adherence　to　the　constitutional　rights　of　the　slave　States　I

differ　widely　from　others　who　are　cooperating　with　me　in　opposing

the　Nebraska　Bill；　and　he　says　it　is　not　quite　fair　to　oppose　him

in　this　variety　of　ways。　　He　should　remember　that　he　took　us　by

surpriseastounded　us　by　this　measure。　　We　were　thunderstruck

and　stunned；　and　we　reeled　and　fell　in　utter　confusion。　　But　we

rose；　each　fighting；　grasping　whatever　he　could　first　reacha

scythe；　a　pitchfork；　a　chopping…ax；　or　a　butcher's　cleaver。　　We

struck　in　the　direction　of　the　sound；　and　we　were　rapidly　closing

in

upon　him。　　He　must　not　think　to　divert　us　from　our　purpose　by

showing　us　that　our　drill；　our　dress；　and　our　weapons　are　not

entirely　perfect　and　uniform。　　When　the　storm　shall　be　past　he

shall　find　us　still　Americans；　no　less　devoted　to　the　continued

union　and　prosperity　of　the　country　than　heretofore。



Finally；　the　Judge　invokes　against　me　the　memory　of　Clay　and

Webster；　They　were　great　men；　and　men　of　great　deeds。　　But　where

have　I　assailed　them？　　For　what　is　it　that　their　lifelong　enemy

shall　now　make　profit　by　assuming　to　defend　them　against　me；

their　lifelong　friend？　　I　go　against　the　repeal　of　the　Missouri

Compromise；　did　they　ever　go　for　it？　　They　went　for　the

Compromise　of　1850；　did　I　ever　go　against　them？　　They　were

greatly　devoted　to　the　Union；　to　the　small　measure　of　my　ability

was　I　ever　less　so？　　Clay　and　Webster　were　dead　before　this

question　arose；　by　what　authority　shall　our　Senator　say　they

would　espouse　his　side　of　it　if　alive？　　Mr。　Clay　was　the　leading

spirit　in　making　the　Missouri　Compromise；　is　it　very　credible

that　if　now　alive　he　would　take　the　lead　in　the　breaking　of　it？

The　truth　is　that　some　support　from　Whigs　is　now　a　necessity　with

the　Judge；　and　for　this　it　is　that　the　names　of　Clay　and　Webster

are　invoked。　　His　old　friends　have　deserted　him　in　such　numbers

as　to　leave　too　few　to　live　by。　　He　came　to　his　own；　and　his　own

received　him　not；　and　lo！　he　turns　unto　the　Gentiles。



A　word　now　as　to　the　Judge's　desperate　assumption　that　the

compromises　of　1850　had　no　connection　with　one　another；　that

Illinois　came　into　the　Union　as　a　slave　State；　and　some　other

similar　ones。　　This　is　no　other　than　a　bold　denial　of　the　history

of　the　country。　　If　we　do　not　know　that　the　compromises　of　1850

were　dependent　on　each　other；　if　we　do　not　know　that　Illinois

came　into　the　Union　as　a　free　State；we　do　not　know　anything。

If　we　do　not　know　these　things；　we　do　not　know　that　we　ever　had　a

Revolutionary　War　or　such　a　chief　as　Washington。　　To　deny　these

things　is　to　deny　our　national　axioms；or　dogmas；　at　least；and

it　puts　an　end　to　all　argument。　　If　a　man　will　stand　up　and

assert；　and　repeat　and　reassert；　that　two　and　two　do　not　make

four；　I　know　nothing　in　the　power　of　argument　that　can　stop　him。

I　think　I　can　answer　the　Judge　so　long　as　he　sticks　to　the

premises；　but　when　he　flies　from　them；　I　cannot　work　any　argument

into　the　consistency　of　a　mental　gag　and　actually　close　his　mouth

with　it。　　In　such　a　case　I　can　only　commend　him　to　the　seventy

thousand　answers　just　in　from　Pennsylvania；　Ohio；　and　Indiana。









REQUEST　FOR　SENATE　SUPPORT



TO　CHARLES　HOYT



CLINTON；　De　WITT　Co。；　Nov。　　10；　1854



DEAR　SIR：You　used　to　express　a　good　deal　of　partiality　for　me；

and　if　you　are　still　so；　now　is　the　time。　　Some　friends　here　are

really　for　me　for　the　U。S。　　Senate；　and　I　should　be　very　grateful

if　you　could　make　a　mark　for　me　among　your　members。　　Please　write

me　at　all　events；　giving　me　the　names；　post…offices；　and

〃political　position〃　of　members　round　about　you。　　Direct　to

Springfield。



Let　this　be　confidential。



Yours　truly；



A。　LINCOLN。









TO　T。　J。　HENDERSON。



SPRINGFIELD；



November　27；　1854



T。　J。　HENDERSON；　ESQ。



MY　DEAR　SIR：It　has　come　round　that　a　whig　may；　by　possibility；

be　elected　to　the　United　States　Senate；　and　I　want　the　chance　of

being　the　man。　　You　are　a　member　of　the　Legislature；　and　have　a

vote　to　give。　　Think　it　over；　and　see　whether　you　can　do　better

than　to　go　for　me。



Write　me；　at　all　events；　and　let　this　be　confidential。



Yours　truly；



A。　LINCOLN。









TO　J。　GILLESPIE。



SPRINGFIELD；　Dec。　　1；　1854。



DEAR　SIR：I　have　really　got　it　into　my　head　to　try　to　be　United

States　Senator；　and；　if　I　could　have　your　support；　my　chances

would　be　reasonably　good。　　But　I　know；　and　acknowledge；　that　you

have　as　just　claims　to　the　place　as　I　have；　and　therefore　I

cannot　ask　you　to　yield　to　me；　if　you　are　thinking　of　becoming　a

candidate；　yourself。　　If；　however；　you　are　not；　then　I　should

like　to　be　remembered　affectionately　by　you；　and　also　to　have　you

make　a　mark　for　me　with　the　Anti…Nebraska　members　down　your　way。



If　you　know；　and　have　no　objection　to　tell；　let　me　know　whether

Trumbull　intends　to　make　a　push。　　If　he　does；　I　suppose　the　two

men　in　St。　　Clair；　and　one；　or　both；　in　Madison；　will　be　for　him。

We　have　the　Legislature；　clearly　enough；　on　joint　ballot；　but　the

Senate　is　very　close；　and　Cullom　told　me　to…day　that　the　Nebraska

men　will　stave　off　the　election；　if　they　can。　　Even　if　we　get

into　joint　vote；　we　shall　have　difficulty　to　unite　our　forces。

Please　write　me；　and　let　this　be　confidential。



Your　friend；　as　ever；



A。　LINCOLN









POLITICAL　REFERENCES



TO　JUSTICE　MCLEAN。



SPRINGFIELD；　ILL。；　December　6；　1854。



SIR：I　understand　it　is　in　contemplation　to　displace　the　present

clerk　and　appoint　a　new　one　for　the　Circuit　and　District　Courts

of　Illinois。　　I　am　very　friendly　to　the　present　incumbent；　and；

both　for　his　own　sake　and　that　of　his　family；　I　wish　him　to　be

retained　so　long　as　it　is　possible　for　the　court　to　do　so。



In　the　contingency　of　his　removal；　however；　I　have　recommended

William　Butler　as　his　successor；　and　I　do　not　wish　what　I　write

now　to　be　taken　as　any　abatement　of　that　recommendation。



William　J。　　Black　is　also　an　applicant　for　the　appointment；　and　I

write　this　at　the　solicitation　of　his　friends　to　say　that　he　is

every　way　worthy　of　the　office；　and　that　I　doubt　not　the

conferring　it　upon　him　will　give　great　satisfaction。



Your　ob't　servant；



A。　LINCOLN









TO　T。　J。　HENDERSON。



SPRINGFIELD；　　December　15。　　1854



HON。　T。　J。　HENDERSON。



DEAR　SIR：Yours　of　the　11th　was　received　last　night；　and　for

which　I　thank　you。　　Of　course　I　prefer　myself　to　all　others；　yet

it　is　neither　in　my　heart　nor　my　conscience　to　say　I　am　any

better　man　than　Mr。　Williams。　　We　shall　have　a　terrible　struggle

with　our　adversaries。　　They　are　desperate　and　bent　on　desperate

deeds。　　I　accidentally　learned　of　one　of　the　leaders　here　writing

to　a　member　south　of　here；　in　about　the　following　language：



We　are　beaten。　　They　have　a　clean　majority　of　at　least　nine；　on

joint　ballot。　　They　outnumber　us；　but　we　must　outmanage　them。

Douglas　must　be　sustained。　　We　must　elect　the　Speaker；　and　we

must　elect　a　Nebraska　United　States　Senator；　or　elect　none　at

all。〃　Similar　letters；　no　doubt；　are　written　to　every　Nebraska

member。　　Be　considering　how　we　can　best　meet；　and　foil；　and　beat

them。　　I　send　you；　by　mail；　a　copy　of　my　Peoria　speech。　　You　may

have　seen　it　before；　or　you　may　not　think　it　worth　seeing　now。



Do　not　speak　of　the　Nebraska　letter　mentioned　above；　I　do　not

wish　it　to　become　public；　that　I　received　such　information。



Yours　truly；



A。　LINCOLN。









1855





LOSS　OF　PRIMARY　FOR　SENATOR



TO　E。　B。　WASHBURNE。



SPRINGFIELD；　February　9；　1855



MY　DEAR　SIR：



I　began　with　44　votes；　Shields　41；　and　Trumbull　5；yet　Trumbull

was　elected。　　In　fact　47　different　members　voted　for　me；getting

three　new　ones　on　the　second　ballot；　and　losing　four　old　ones。

How　came　my　47　to　yield　to　Trumbull's　5？　　It　was　Governor

Matteson's　work。　　He　has　been　secretly　a　candidate　ever　since

（before；　even）　the　fall　election。



All　the　members　round　about　the　canal　were　Anti…Nebraska；　but

were　nevertheless　nearly　all　Democrats　and　old　personal　friends

of　his。　　His　plan　was　to　privately　impress　them　with　the　belief

that　he　was　as　good　Anti…Nebraska　as　any　one　elseat　least　could

be　secured　to　be　so　by　instructions；　which　could　be　easily

passed。



The　Nebraska　men；　of　course；　were　not　for　Matteson；　but　when　they

found　they　could　elect　no　avowed　Nebraska　man；　they　tardily

determined　to　let　him　get　whomever　of　our　men　he　could；　by

whatever　means　he　could；　and　ask　him　no　questions。



The　Nebraska　men　were　very　confident　of　the　election　of　Matteson；

though　denying　that　he　was　a　candidate；　and　we　very　much

believing　also　that　they　would　elect　him。　　But　they　wanted　first

to　make　a　show　of　good　faith　to　Shields　by　voting　for　him　a　few

times；　and　our　secret　Matteson　men　also　wanted　to　make　a　show　of

good　faith　by　voting　with　us　a　few　times。　　So　we　led　off。　　On　the

seventh　ballot；　I　think；　the　signal　was　given　to　the　Nebraska　men

to　turn　to　Matteson；　which　t