the writings-2- 第4部分

and　their　report　was　understood　as　sustaining；　not　impugning；　the

position　taken　by　the　Postmaster…General。　　That　report　had　met

with　the　approbation　of　all　the　Whigs；　and　of　all　the　Democrats

also；　with　the　exception　of　one；　and　he　wanted　to　go　even　further

than　this。　　＇Intimation　was　informally　given　Mr。　Lincoln　that　it

was　not　in　order　to　mention　on　the　floor　what　had　taken　place　in

committee。＇　　He　then　observed　that　if　he　had　been　out　of　order　in

what　he　had　said　he　took　it　all　back　so　far　as　he　could。　　He　had

no　desire；　he　could　assure　gentlemen；　ever　to　be　out　of　order

though　he　never　could　keep　long　in　order。



Mr。　Lincoln　went　on　to　observe　that　he　differed　in　opinion；　in

the　present　case；　from　his　honorable　friend　from　Richmond　＇Mr。

Botts＇。　　That　gentleman；　had　begun　his　remarks　by　saying　that　if

all　prepossessions　in　this　matter　could　be　removed　out　of　the

way；　but　little　difficulty　would　be　experienced　in　coming　to　an

agreement。　　Now；　he　could　assure　that　gentleman　that　he　had

himself　begun　the　examination　of　the　subject　with　prepossessions

all　in　his　favor。　　He　had　long　and　often　heard　of　him；　and；　from

what　he　had　heard；　was　prepossessed　in　his　favor。　　Of　the

Postmaster…General　he　had　also　heard；　but　had　no　prepossessions

in　his　favor；　though　certainly　none　of　an　opposite　kind。　　He

differed；　however；　with　that　gentleman　in　politics；　while　in　this

respect　he　agreed　with　the　gentleman　from　Virginia　＇Mr。　Botts＇；

whom　he　wished　to　oblige　whenever　it　was　in　his　power。　　That

gentleman　had　referred　to　the　report　made　to　the　House　by　the

Postmaster…General；　and　had　intimated　an　apprehension　that

gentlemen　would　be　disposed　to　rely；　on　that　report　alone；　and

derive　their　views　of　the　case　from　that　document　alone。　　Now　it

so　happened　that　a　pamphlet　had　been　slipped　into　his　＇Mr。

Lincoln's＇　hand　before　he　read　the　report　of　the　Postmaster…

General；　so　that；　even　in　this；　he　had　begun　with　prepossessions

in　favor　of　the　gentleman　from　Virginia。



As　to　the　report；　he　had　but　one　remark　to　make：　he　had　carefully

examined　it；　and　he　did　not　understand　that　there　was　any　dispute

as　to　the　facts　therein　stated　the　dispute；　if　he　understood　it；

was　confined　altogether　to　the　inferences　to　be　drawn　from　those

facts。　　It　was　a　difference　not　about　facts；　but　about

conclusions。　　The　facts　were　not　disputed。　　If　he　was　right　in

this；　he　supposed　the　House　might　assume　the　facts　to　be　as　they

were　stated；　and　thence　proceed　to　draw　their　own　conclusions。



The　gentleman　had　said　that　the　Postmaster…General　had　got　into　a

personal　squabble　with　the　railroad　company。　　Of　this　Mr。　Lincoln

knew　nothing；　nor　did　he　need　or　desire　to　know　anything；　because

it　had　nothing　whatever　to　do　with　a　just　conclusion　from　the

premises。　　But　the　gentleman　had　gone　on　to　ask　whether　so　great

a　grievance　as　the　present　detention　of　the　Southern　mail　ought

not　to　be　remedied。　　Mr。　Lincoln　would　assure　the　gentleman　that

if　there　was　a　proper　way　of　doing　it；　no　man　was　more　anxious

than　he　that　it　should　be　done。　　The　report　made　by　the　committee

had　been　intended　to　yield　much　for　the　sake　of　removing　that

grievance。　　That　the　grievance　was　very　great　there　was　no

dispute　in　any　quarter。　　He　supposed　that　the　statements　made　by

the　gentleman　from　Virginia　to　show　this　were　all　entirely

correct　in　point　of　fact。　　He　did　suppose　that　the　interruptions

of　regular　intercourse；　and　all　the　other　inconveniences　growing

out　of　it；　were　all　as　that　gentleman　had　stated　them　to　be；　and

certainly；　if　redress　could　be　rendered；　it　was　proper　it　should

be　rendered　as　soon　as　possible。　　The　gentleman　said　that　in

order　to　effect　this　no　new　legislative　action　was　needed；　all

that　was　necessary　was　that　the　Postmaster…General　should　be

required　to　do　what　the　law；　as　it　stood；　authorized　and　required

him　to　do。



We　come　then；　said　Mr。　Lincoln；　to　the　law。　　Now　the　Postmaster…

General　says　he　cannot　give　to　this　company　more　than　two　hundred

and　thirty…seven　dollars　and　fifty　cents　per　railroad　mile　of

transportation；　and　twelve　and　a　half　per　cent。　less　for

transportation　by　steamboats。　　He　considers　himself　as　restricted

by　law　to　this　amount；　and　he　says；　further；　that　he　would　not

give　more　if　he　could；　because　in　his　apprehension　it　would　not

be　fair　and　just。









1848





DESIRE　FOR　SECOND　TERM　IN　CONGRESS



TO　WILLIAM　H。　HERNDON。



WASHINGTON；　January　8；　1848。



DEAR　WILLIAM：Your　letter　of　December　27　was　received　a　day　or

two　ago。　　I　am　much　obliged　to　you　for　the　trouble　you　have

taken；　and　promise　to　take　in　my　little　business　there。　　As　to

speech　making；　by　way　of　getting　the　hang　of　the　House　I　made　a

little　speech　two　or　three　days　ago　on　a　post…office　question　of

no　general　interest。　　I　find　speaking　here　and　elsewhere　about

the　same　thing。　　I　was　about　as　badly　scared；　and　no　worse　as　I

am　when　I　speak　in　court。　　I　expect　to　make　one　within　a　week　or

two；　in　which　I　hope　to　succeed　well　enough　to　wish　you　to　see

it。



It　is　very　pleasant　to　learn　from　you　that　there　are　some　who

desire　that　I　should　be　reelected。　　I　most　heartily　thank　them

for　their　kind　partiality；　and　I　can　say；　as　Mr。　Clay　said　of　the

annexation　of　Texas；　that　〃personally　I　would　not　object〃　to　a

reelection；　although　I　thought　at　the　time；　and　still　think；　it

would　be　quite　as　well　for　me　to　return　to　the　law　at　the　end　of

a　single　term。　　I　made　the　declaration　that　I　would　not　be　a

candidate　again；　more　from　a　wish　to　deal　fairly　with　others；　to

keep　peace　among　our　friends；　and　to　keep　the　district　from　going

to　the　enemy；　than　for　any　cause　personal　to　myself；　so　that　if

it　should　so　happen　that　nobody　else　wishes　to　be　elected；　I

could　not　refuse　the　people　the　right　of　sending　me　again。　　But

to　enter　myself　as　a　competitor　of　others；　or　to　authorize　any

one　so　to　enter　me　is　what　my　word　and　honor　forbid。





I　got　some　letters　intimating　a　probability　of　so　much　difficulty

amongst　our　friends　as　to　lose　us　the　district；　but　I　remember

such　letters　were　written　to　Baker　when　my　own　case　was　under

consideration；　and　I　trust　there　is　no　more　ground　for　such

apprehension　now　than　there　was　then。　　Remember　I　am　always　glad

to　receive　a　letter　from　you。



Most　truly　your　friend；



A。　LINCOLN。









SPEECH　ON　DECLARATION　OF　WAR　ON　MEXICO

SPEECH　IN　THE　UNITED　STATES　HOUSE　OF　REPRESENTATIVES；



JANUARY　12；　1848。



MR　CHAIRMAN：Some　if　not　all　the　gentlemen　on　the　other　side　of

the　House　who　have　addressed　the　committee　within　the　last　two

days　have　spoken　rather　complainingly；　if　I　have　rightly

understood　them；　of　the　vote　given　a　week　or　ten　days　ago

declaring　that　the　war　with　Mexico　was　unnecessarily　and

unconstitutionally　commenced　by　the　President。　　I　admit　that　such

a　vote　should　not　be　given　in　mere　party　wantonness；　and　that　the

one　given　is　justly　censurable　if　it　have　no　other　or　better

foundation。　　I　am　one　of　those　who　joined　in　that　vote；　and　I　did

so　under　my　best　impression　of　the　truth　of　the　case。　　How　I　got

this　impression；　and　how　it　may　possibly　be　remedied；　I　will　now

try　to　show。　　When　the　war　began；　it　was　my　opinion　that　all

those　who　because　of　knowing　too　little；　or　because　of　knowing

too　much；　could　not　conscientiously　approve　the　conduct　of　the

President　in　the　beginning　of　it　should　nevertheless；　as　good

citizens　and　patriots；　remain　silent　on　that　point；　at　least　till

the　war　should　be　ended。　　Some　leading　Democrats；　including　ex…

President　Van　Buren；　have　taken　this　same　view；　as　I　understand

them；　and　I　adhered　to　it　and　acted　upon　it；　until　since　I　took

my　seat　here；　and　I　think　I　should　still　adhere　to　it　were　it　not

that　the　President　and　his　friends　will　not　allow　it　to　be　so。

Besides　the　continual　effort　of　the　President　to　argue　every

silent　vote　given　for　supplies　into　an　indorsement　of　the　justice

and　wisdom　of　his　conduct；　besides　that　singularly　candid

paragraph　in　his　late　message　in　which　he　tells　us　that　Congress

with　great　unanimity　had　declared　that　〃by　the　act　of　the

Republic　of　Mexico；　a　state　of　war　exists　between　that　government

and　the　United　States；〃　when　the　same　journals　that　informed　him

of　this　also　informed　him　that　when　that　declaration　stood

disconnected　from　the　question　of　supplies　sixty…seven　in　the

House；　and　not　fourteen　merely；　voted　against　it；　besides　this

open　attempt　to　prove　by　telling　the　truth　what　he　could　not

prove　by　telling　the　whole　truth…demanding　of　all　who　will　not

submit　to　be　misrepresented；　in　justice　to　themselves；　to　speak

out；　besides　all　this；　one　of　my　colleagues　＇Mr。　Richardson＇　at　a

very　early　day　in　the　session　brought　in　a　set　of　resolutions

expressly　indorsing　the　original　justice　of　the　war　on　the　part

of　the　President。　　Upon　these　resolutions　when　they　shall　be　put

on　their　passage　I　shall　be　compelled　to　vote；　so　that　I　cannot

be　silent　if　I　would。　　Seeing　this；　I　went　about　preparing　myself

to　give　the　vote　understandingly　when　it　should　come。　　I

carefully　examined　the　President's　message；　to　ascertain　what　he

himself　had　said　and　proved　upon　the　point。　　The　result　of　this

examination　was　to　make　the　impression　that；　taking　for　true　all

the　President　states　as　facts；　he　falls　far　short　of　proving　his

justification；　and　that　the　President　would　have　gone　further

with　his　proof　if　it　had　not　been　for　the　small　matter　that　the

truth　would　not　permit　him。　　Under　the　impression　thus　made　I

gave　the　vote　before　mentioned。　　I　propose　now　to　give　concisely

the　process　of　the　examination　I　made；　and　how　I　reached　the

conclusion　I　did。　　The　President；　in　his　first　war　message　of

May；　1846；　declares　that　the　soil　was　ours　on　which　hostilities

were　commenced　by　Mexico；　and　he　repeats　that　declaration　almost

in　the　same　language　in　each　successive　annual　message；　thus

showing　that