the writings-2- 第8部分

had　to　skulk　many　more　before　the　end　of　the　session。

Richardson's　resolutions；　introduced　before　I　made　any　move　or

gave　any　vote　upon　the　subject；　make　the　direct　question　of　the

justice　of　the　war；　so　that　no　man　can　be　silent　if　he　would。

You　are　compelled　to　speak；　and　your　only　alternative　is　to　tell

the　truth　or　a　lie。　　I　cannot　doubt　which　you　would　do。



This　vote　has　nothing　to　do　in　determining　my　votes　on　the

questions　of　supplies。　　I　have　always　intended；　and　still　intend；

to　vote　supplies；　perhaps　not　in　the　precise　form　recommended　by

the　President；　but　in　a　better　form　for　all　purposes；　except

Locofoco　party　purposes。　　It　is　in　this　particular　you　seem

mistaken。　　The　Locos　are　untiring　in　their　efforts　to　make　the

impression　that　all　who　vote　supplies　or　take　part　in　the　war　do

of　necessity　approve　the　President's　conduct　in　the　beginning　of

it；　but　the　Whigs　have　from　the　beginning　made　and　kept　the

distinction　between　the　two。　　In　the　very　first　act　nearly　all

the　Whigs　voted　against　the　preamble　declaring　that　war　existed

by　the　act　of　Mexico；　and　yet　nearly　all　of　them　voted　for　the

supplies。　　As　to　the　Whig　men　who　have　participated　in　the　war；

so　far　as　they　have　spoken　in　my　hearing　they　do　not　hesitate　to

denounce　as　unjust　the　President's　conduct　in　the　beginning　of

the　war。　　They　do　not　suppose　that　such　denunciation　is　directed

by　undying　hatred　to　him；　as　The　Register　　would　have　it

believed。　　There　are　two　such　Whigs　on　this　floor　（Colonel

Haskell　and　Major　James）　The　former　fought　as　a　colonel　by　the

side　of　Colonel　Baker　at　Cerro　Gordo；　and　stands　side　by　side

with　me　in　the　vote　that　you　seem　dissatisfied　with。　　The　latter；

the　history　of　whose　capture　with　Cassius　Clay　you　well　know；　had

not　arrived　here　when　that　vote　was　given；　but；　as　I　understand；

he　stands　ready　to　give　just　such　a　vote　whenever　an　occasion

shall　present。　　Baker；　too；　who　is　now　here；　says　the　truth　is

undoubtedly　that　way；　and　whenever　he　shall　speak　out；　he　will

say　so。　　Colonel　Doniphan；　too；　the　favorite　Whig　of　Missouri；

and　who　overran　all　Northern　Mexico；　on　his　return　home　in　a

public　speech　at　St。　　Louis　condemned　the　administration　in

relation　to　the　war。　　If　I　remember；　G。　　T。　　M。　　Davis；　who　has

been　through　almost　the　whole　war；　declares　in　favor　of　Mr。　Clay；

from　which　I　infer　that　he　adopts　the　sentiments　of　Mr。　Clay；

generally　at　least。　　On　the　other　hand；　I　have　heard　of　but　one

Whig　who　has　been　to　the　war　attempting　to　justify　the

President's　conduct。　　That　one　was　Captain　Bishop；　editor　of　the

Charleston　Courier；　and　a　very　clever　fellow。　　I　do　not　mean　this

letter　for　the　public；　but　for　you。　　Before　it　reaches　you；　you

will　have　seen　and　read　my　pamphlet　speech；　and　perhaps　been

scared　anew　by　it。　　After　you　get　over　your　scare；　read　it　over

again；　sentence　by　sentence；　and　tell　me　honestly　what　you　think

of　it。　　I　condensed　all　I　could　for　fear　of　being　cut　off　by　the

hour　rule；　and　when　I　got　through　I　had　spoken　but　forty…five

minutes。



Yours　forever；



A。　LINCOLN。









TO　WILLIAM　H。　HERNDON。



WASHINGTON；　February　2；　1848



DEAR　WILLIAM：I　just　take　my　pen　to　say　that　Mr。　Stephens；　of

Georgia；　a　little；　slim；　pale…faced；　consumptive　man；　with　a

voice　like　Logan's；　has　just　concluded　the　very　best　speech　of　an

hour's　length　I　ever　heard。　　My　old　withered　dry　eyes　are　full　of

tears　yet。



If　he　writes　it　out　anything　like　he　delivered　it；　our　people

shall　see　a　good　many　copies　of　it。



Yours　truly；



A。　LINCOLN。









ON　THE　MEXICAN　WAR



TO　WILLIAM　H。　HERNDON。



WASHINGTON；　February　15；　1848。



DEAR　WILLIAM：Your　letter　of　the　29th　January　was　received　last

night。　　Being　exclusively　a　constitutional　argument；　I　wish　to

submit　some　reflections　upon　it　in　the　same　spirit　of　kindness

that　I　know　actuates　you。　　Let　me　first　state　what　I　understand

to　be　your　position。　　It　is　that　if　it　shall　become　necessary　to

repel　invasion；　the　President　may；　without　violation　of　the

Constitution；　cross　the　line　and　invade　the　territory　of　another

country；　and　that　whether　such　necessity　exists　in　any　given　case

the　President　is　the　sole　judge。



Before　going　further　consider　well　whether　this　is　or　is　not　your

position。　　If　it　is；　it　is　a　position　that　neither　the　President

himself；　nor　any　friend　of　his；　so　far　as　I　know；　has　ever　taken。

Their　only　positions　arefirst；　that　the　soil　was　ours　when　the

hostilities　commenced；　and　second；　that　whether　it　was　rightfully

ours　or　not；　Congress　had　annexed　it；　and　the　President　for　that

reason　was　bound　to　defend　it；　both　of　which　are　as　clearly

proved　to　be　false　in　fact　as　you　can　prove　that　your　house　is

mine。　　The　soil　was　not　ours；　and　Congress　did　not　annex　or

attempt　to　annex　it。　　But　to　return　to　your　position。　　Allow　the

President　to　invade　a　neighboring　nation　whenever　he　shall　deem

it　necessary　to　repel　an　invasion；　and　you　allow　him　to　do　so

whenever　he　may　choose　to　say　he　deems　it　necessary　for　such

purpose；　and　you　allow　him　to　make　war　at　pleasure。　　Study　to　see

if　you　can　fix　any　limit　to　his　power　in　this　respect；　after

having　given　him　so　much　as　you　propose。　　If　to…day　he　should

choose　to　say　he　thinks　it　necessary　to　invade　Canada　to　prevent

the　British　from　invading　us；　how　could　you　stop　him？　　You　may

say　to　him；I　see　no　probability　of　the　British　invading　us〃；

but　he　will　say　to　you；　〃Be　silent：　I　see　it；　if　you　don't。〃



The　provision　of　the　Constitution　giving　the　war　making　power　to

Congress　was　dictated；　as　I　understand　it；　by　the　following

reasons：　kings　had　always　been　involving　and　impoverishing　their

people　in　wars；　pretending　generally；　if　not　always；　that　the

good　of　the　people　was　the　object。　　This　our　convention

understood　to　be　the　most　oppressive　of　all　kingly　oppressions；

and　they　resolved　to　so　frame　the　Constitution　that　no　one　man

should　hold　the　power　of　bringing　this　oppression　upon　us。　　But

your　view　destroys　the　whole　matter；　and　places　our　President

where　kings　have　always　stood。　　Write　soon　again。



Yours　truly；



A。　LINCOLN。









REPORT　IN　THE　HOUSE　OF　REPRESENTATIVES；



MARCH　9；　1848。



Mr。　Lincoln；　from　the　Committee　on　the　Postoffice　and　Post　Roads；

made　the　following　report：



The　Committee　on　the　Post…office　and　Post　Roads；　to　whom　was

referred　the　resolution　of　the　House　of　Representatives　entitled

〃An　Act　authorizing　postmasters　at　county　seats　of　justice　to

receive　subscriptions　for　newspapers　and　periodicals；　to　be　paid

through　the　agency　of　the　Post…office　Department；　and　for　other

purposes；〃　beg　leave　to　submit　the　following　report



The　committee　have　reason　to　believe　that　a　general　wish　pervades

the　community　at　large　that　some　such　facility　as　the　proposed

measure　should　be　granted　by　express　law；　for　subscribing；

through　the　agency　of　the　Post…office　Department；　to　newspapers

and　periodicals　which　diffuse　daily；　weekly；　or　monthly

intelligence　of　passing　events。　　Compliance　with　this　general

wish　is　deemed　to　be　in　accordance　with　our　republican

institutions；　which　can　be　best　sustained　by　the　diffusion　of

knowledge　and　the　due　encouragement　of　a　universal；　national

spirit　of　inquiry　and　discussion　of　public　events　through　the

medium　of　the　public　press。　　The　committee；　however；　has　not　been

insensible　to　its　duty　of　guarding　the　Post…office　Department

against　injurious　sacrifices　for　the　accomplishment　of　this

object；　whereby　its　ordinary　efficacy　might　be　impaired　or

embarrassed。　　It　has　therefore　been　a　subject　of　much

consideration；　but　it　is　now　confidently　hoped　that　the　bill

herewith　submitted　effectually　obviates　all　objections　which

might　exist　with　regard　to　a　less　matured　proposition。



The　committee　learned；　upon　inquiry；　that　the　Post…office

Department；　in　view　of　meeting　the　general　wish　on　this　subject；

made　the　experiment　through　one　if　its　own　internal　regulations；

when　the　new　postage　system　went　into　operation　on　the　first　of

July；　1845；　and　that　it　was　continued　until　the　thirtieth　of

September；　1847。　　But　this　experiment；　for　reasons　hereafter

stated；　proved　unsatisfactory；　and　it　was　discontinued　by　order

of　the　Postmaster…General。　　As　far　as　the　committee　can　at

present　ascertain；　the　following　seem　to　have　been　the　principal

grounds　of　dissatisfaction　in　this　experiment：



（1）　The　legal　responsibility　of　postmasters　receiving　newspaper

subscriptions；　or　of　their　sureties；　was　not　defined。



（2）　The　authority　was　open　to　all　postmasters　instead　of　being

limited　to　those　of　specific　offices。



（3）　The　consequence　of　this　extension　of　authority　was　that；　in

innumerable　instances；　the　money；　without　the　previous　knowledge

or　control　of　the　officers　of　the　department　who　are　responsible

for　the　good　management　of　its　finances；　was　deposited　in　offices

where　it　was　improper　such　funds　should　be　placed；　and　the

repayment　was　ordered；　not　by　the　financial　officers；　but　by　the

postmasters；　at　points　where　it　was　inconvenient　to　the

department　so　to　disburse　its　funds。



（4）　The　inconvenience　of　accumulating　uncertain　and　fluctuating

sums　at　small　offices　was　felt　seriously　in　consequent

overpayments　to　contractors　on　their　quarterly　collecting　orders；

and；　in　case　of　private　mail　routes；　in　litigation　concerning　the

misapplication　of　such　funds　to　the　special　service　of　supplying

mails。



（5）　The　accumulation　of　such　funds　on　draft　offices　could　not　be

known　to　the　financial　clerks　of　the　department　in　time　to

control　it；　and　too　often　this　rendered　uncertain　all　their

calculations　of　funds　in　hand。



（6）　The　orders　of　payment　were　for　the　most　part　issued　upon　the

principal　offices；　such　as　New　York；　Philadelphia；　Boston；

Baltimore；　etc。；　where　the　large　offices　of　publishers　are

located；　causing　an　illimitable　and　uncontrollab