political debts and bestow upon its supporters valuable favors。
Further； as the legislature apportioned the various electoral
districts； the dominant party could； by means of the gerrymander；
entrench itself even in unfriendly localities。 And； to crown its
political power； it elected United States Senators。 But； as the
power of the party increased； unfortunately the personnel of the
legislature deteriorated。 Able men； as a rule； shunned a service
that not only took them from their private affairs for a number
of months； but also involved them in partizan rivalries and
trickeries。 Gradually the people came to lose confidence in the
legislative body and to put their trust more in the Executive or
else reserved governmental powers to themselves。 It was about
1835 that the decline of the legislature's powers set in； when
new state constitutions began to clip its prerogatives； one after
another。
The bulky constitutions now adopted by most of the States are
eloquent testimony to the complete collapse of the legislature as
an administrative body and to the people's general distrust of
their chosen representatives。 The initiative； referendum； recall；
and the withholding of important subjects from the legislature's
power； are among the devices intended to free the people from the
machinations of their wilful representatives。
Now； most of the evils which these heroic measures have sought to
remedy can be traced directly to the partizan ownership of the
state legislature。 The boss controlling the members of the
legislature could not only dole out his favors to the privilege
seekers； he could assuage the greed of the municipal ring； and
could； to a lesser degree； command federal patronage by an
entente cordiale with congressmen and senators； and through his
power in presidential conventions and elections he had a direct
connection with the presidential office itself。
It was in the days before the legislature was prohibited from
granting； by special act； franchises and charters； when banks；
turnpike companies； railroads； and all sorts of corporations came
asking for charters； that the figure of the lobbyist first
appeared。 He acted as a middleman between the seeker and the
giver。 The preeminent figure of this type in state and
legislative politics for several decades preceding the Civil War
was Thurlow Weed of New York。 As an influencer of legislatures；
he stands easily first in ability and achievement。 His great
personal attractions won him willing followers whom he knew how
to use。 He was party manager； as well as lobbyist and boss in a
real sense long before that term was coined。 His capacity for
politics amounted to genius。 He never sought office； and his
memory has been left singularly free from taint。 He became the
editor of the Albany Journal and made it the leading Whig
〃up…state〃 paper。 His friend Seward； whom he had lifted into the
Governor's chair； passed on to the United States Senate； and when
Horace Greeley with the New York Tribune joined their forces；
this potent triumvirate ruled the Empire State。 Greeley was its
spokesman； Seward its leader； but Weed was its designer。 From his
room No。 11 in the old Astor House； he beckoned to forces that
made or unmade presidents； governors； ambassadors； congressmen；
judges； and legislators。
With the tremendous increase of business after the Civil War； New
York City became the central office of the nation's business； and
many of the interests centered there found it wise to have
permanent representatives at Albany to scrutinize every bill that
even remotely touched their welfare； to promote legislation that
was frankly in their favor； and to prevent 〃strikes〃the bills
designed for blackmail。 After a time； however； the number of
〃strikes〃 decreased； as well as the number of lobbyists attending
the session。 The corporate interests had learned efficiency。
Instead of dealing with legislators individually； they arranged
with the boss the price of peace or of desirable legislation。 The
boss transmitted his wishes to his puppets。 This form of
government depends upon a machine that controls the legislature。
In New York both parties were moved by machines。 〃Tom〃 Platt was
the 〃easy boss〃 of the Republicans； and Tammany and its。
〃up…state〃 affiliations controlled the Democrats。 〃Right here；〃
says Platt in his Autobiography （1910）； 〃it may be appropriate to
say that I have had more or less to do with the organization of
the New York legislature since 1873。〃 He had。 For forty years he
practically named the Speaker and committees when his party won；
and he named the price when his party lost。 All that an
〃interest〃 had to do； under the new plan； was to 〃see the boss；〃
and the powers of government were delivered into its lap。
Some of this legislative bargaining was revealed in the insurance
investigation of 1905； conducted by the Armstrong Committee with
Charles E。 Hughes as counsel。 Officers of the New York Life
Insurance Company testified that their company had given 50；000
to the Republican campaign of 1904。 An item of 235；000；
innocently charged to 〃Home office annex account；〃 was traced to
the hands of a notorious lobbyist at Albany。 Three insurance
companies had paid regularly 50；000 each to the Republican
campaign fund。 Boss Platt himself was compelled reluctantly to
relate how he had for fifteen years received ten one thousand
dollar bundles of greenbacks from the Equitable Life as
〃consideration〃 for party goods delivered。 John A。 McCall；
President of the New York Life； said： 〃I don't care about the
Republican side of it or the Democratic side of it。 It doesn't
count at all with me。 What is best for the New York Life moves
and actuates me。〃
In another investigation Mr。 H。 O。 Havemeyer of the Sugar Trust
said： 〃We have large interests in this State； we need police
protection and fire protection； we need everything that the city
furnishes and gives； and we have to support these things。 Every
individual and corporation and firmtrust or whatever you call
itdoes these things and we do them。〃 No distinction is made；
then； between the government that ought to furnish this
〃protection〃 and the machine that sells it！
No episode in recent political history shows better the relations
of the legislature to the political machine and the great power
of invisible government than the impeachment and removal of
Governor William Sulzer in 1913。 Sulzer had been four times
elected to the legislature。 He served as Speaker in 1893。 He was
sent to Congress by an East Side district in New York City in
1895 and served continuously until his nomination for Governor of
New York in 1912。 All these years he was known as a Tammany man。
During his campaign for Governor he made many promises for
reform； and after his election he issued a bombastic declaration
of independence。 His words were discounted in the light of his
previous record。 Immediately after his inauguration； however； he
began a house…cleaning。 He set to work an economy and efficiency
commission； he removed a Tammany superintendent of prisons； made
unusually good appointments without paying any attention to the
machine； and urged upon the legislature vigorous and vital laws。
But the Tammany party had a large working majority in both
houses； and the changed Sulzer was given no support。 The crucial
moment came when an emasculated primary law was handed to him for
his signature。 An effective primary law had been a leading
campaign issue； all the parties being pledged to such an
enactment。 The one which the Governor was now requested to sign
had been framed by the machine to suit its pleasure。 The Governor
vetoed it。 The legislature adjourned on the 3rd of May。 The
Governor promptly reconvened it in extra session （June 7th） for
the purpose of passing an adequate primary law。 Threats that had
been made against him by the machine now took form。 An
investigating committee； appointed by the Senate to examine the
Governor's record； largely by chance happened upon 〃pay dirt；〃
and early on the morning of the 13th of August； after an
all…night session； the Assembly passed a motion made by its
Tammany floor leader to impeach the Governor。
The articles of impeachment charged： first； that the Governor had
filed a false report of his campaign expenses； second； that since
he had made such statement under oath he was guilty of perjury；
third； that he had bribed witnesses to withhold testimony from
the investigating committee； fourth； that he had used threats in
suppression of evidence before the same tribunal； fifth； that he
had persuaded a witness from responding to the committee's
subpoena； sixth； that he had used campaign contributions for
private speculation in the stock market； seventh； that he had
used his power as Governor to influence the political action of
certain officials； lastly； that he had used this power for
affecting the stock market to his gain。
Unfortunately for the Governor； the first； second； and sixth
charges had a background of facts； although the rest were
ridiculous and trivial。 By a vote of 43 to 12 he was removed from
the governorship。 The proceeding was not merely an impeachment of
New York's Governor。 It was an impeachment of its government。
Every citizen knew that if Sulzer had obeyed Murphy； his
shortcomings would never have been his undoing。
The great commonwealth of Pennsylvania was for sixty years under
the domination of the House of Cameron and the House of Quay。
Simon Cameron's entry into public notoriety was symbolic of his
whole career。 In 1838； he was one of a commission of two to
disburse to the Winnebago Indians at Prairie du Chien 100；000 in
gold。 But； instead of receiving gold； the poor Indians received
only a few thousand dollars in the notes of a bank of which
Cameron was the cashier。 Cameron was for this reason called 〃the
Great Winnebago。〃 He built a large fortune by canal and railway
contracts； and later by rolling…mills and furnaces。 He was one
of the first men in American politics to purchase political power
by the lavish use of cash； and to use political power for the
gratification of financial greed。 In 1857 he was elected to the
United States Senate as a