ent that it is not likely to be soon or willingly adopted： but as the time will certainly arrive when the only choice will be between this and equal universal suffrage； whoever does not desire the last； cannot too soon begin to reconcile himself to the former。 In the meantime； though the suggestion； for the present； may not be a practical one； it will serve to mark what is best in principle； and enable us to judge of the eligibility of any indirect means； either existing or capable of being adopted； which may promote in a less perfect manner the same end。 A person may have a double vote by other means than that of tendering two votes at the same hustings； he may have a vote in each of two different constituencies： and though this exceptional privilege at present belongs rather to superiority of means than of intelligence； I would not abolish it where it exists； since until a truer test of education is adopted it would be unwise to dispense with even so imperfect a one as is afforded by pecuniary circumstances。 Means might be found of giving a further extension to the privilege； which would connect it in a more direct manner with superior education。 In any future Reform Bill which lowers greatly the pecuniary conditions of the suffrage； it might be a wise provision to allow all graduates of universities； all persons who have passed creditably through the higher schools； all members of the liberal professions； and perhaps some others； to be registered specifically in those characters； and to give their votes as such in any constituency in which they choose to register； retaining； in addition； their votes as simple citizens in the localities in which they reside。 Until there shall have been devised； and until opinion is willing to accept； some mode of plural voting which may assign to education； as such； the degree of superior influence due to it； and sufficient as a counterpoise to the numerical weight of the least educated class； for so long the benefits of completely universal suffrage cannot be obtained without bringing with them； as it appears to me； a chance of more than equivalent evils。 It is possible； indeed （and this is perhaps one of the transitions through which we may have to pass in our progress to a really good representative system）； that the barriers which restrict the suffrage might be entirely levelled in some particular constituencies； whose members； consequently； would be returned principally by manual labourers； the existing electoral qualification being maintained elsewhere； or any alteration in it being accompanied by such a grouping of the constituencies as to prevent the labouring class from becoming preponderant in Parliament。 By such a compromise； the anomalies in the representation would not only be retained； but augmented： this however is not a conclusive objection； for if the country does not choose to pursue the right ends by a regular system directly leading to them； it must be content with an irregular makeshift； as being greatly preferable to a system free from irregularities； but regularly adapted to wrong ends； or in which some ends equally necessary with the others have been left out。 It is a far graver objection； that this adjustment is incompatible with the intercommunity of local constituencies which Mr。 Hare's plan requires； that under it every voter would remain imprisoned within the one or more constituencies in which his name is registered； and unless willing to be represented by one of the candidates for those localities； would not be represented at all。 So much importance do I attach to the emancipation of those who already have votes； but whose votes are useless； because always outnumbered； so much should I hope from the natural influence of truth and reason； if only secured a hearing and a competent advocacy that I should not despair of the operation even of equal and universal suffrage； if made real by the proportional representation of all minorities； on Mr。 Hare's principle。 But if the best hopes which can be formed on this subject were certainties； I should still contend for the principle of plural voting。 I do not propose the plurality as a thing in itself undesirable； which； like the exclusion of part of the community from the suffrage； may be temporarily tolerated while necessary to prevent greater evils。 I do not look upon equal voting as among the things which are good in themselves； provided they can be guarded against inconveniences。 I look upon it as only relatively good； less objectionable than inequality of privilege grounded on irrelevant or adventitious circumstances； but in principle wrong； because recognising a wrong standard； and exercising a bad influence on the voter's mind。 It is not useful； but hurtful； that the constitution of the country should declare ignorance to be entitled to as much political power as knowledge。 The national institutions should place all things that they are concerned with before the mind of the citizen in the light in which it is for his good that he should regard them： and as it is for his good that he should think that every one is entitled to some influence； but the better and wiser to more than others； it is important that this conviction should be professed by the State； and embodied in the national institutions。 Such things constitute the spirit of the institutions of a country： that portion of their influence which is least regarded by common； and especially by English； thinkers； though the institutions of every country； not under great positive oppression； produce more effect by their spirit than by any of their direct provisions； since by it they shape the national character。 The American institutions have imprinted strongly on the American mind that any one man （with a white skin） is as good as any other； and it is felt that this false creed is nearly connected with some of the more unfavourable points in American character。 It is not small mischief that the constitution of any country should sanction this creed； for the belief in it； whether express or tacit； is almost as detrimental to moral and intellectual excellence any effect which most forms of government can produce。 It may； perhaps； be said； that a constitution which gives equal influence； man for man； to the most and to the least instructed； is nevertheless conducive to progress； because the appeals constantly made to the less instructed classes； the exercise given to their mental powers； and the exertions which the more instructed are obliged to make for enlightening their judgment and ridding them of errors and prejudices； are powerful stimulants to their advance in intelligence。 That this most desirable effect really attends the admission of the less educated classes to some； and even to a large share of power； I admit； and have already strenuously maintained。 But theory and experience alike prove that a counter current sets in when they are made the possessors of all power。 Those who are supreme over everything； whether they be One； or Few； or Many； have no longer need of the arms of reason： they can make their mere will prevail； and those who cannot be resisted are usually far too well satisfied with their own opinion to be willing to change them； or listen without impatience to any one who tells them that they are in the wrong。 The position which gives the strongest stimulus to the growth of intelligence is that of rising into power； not that of having achieved it； and of all resting…points； temporary or permanent； in the way to ascendancy； the one which develops the best and highest qualities is the position of those who are strong enough to make reason prevail； but not strong enough to prevail against reason。 This is the position in which； according to the principles we have laid down； the rich and the poor； the much and the little educated； and all the other classes and denominations which divide society between them； ought as far as practicable to be placed。 And by combining this principle with the otherwise just one of allowing superiority of weight to superiority of mental qualities； a political constitution would realise that kind of relative perfection which is alone compatible with the complicated nature of human affairs。
In the preceding argument for universal； but graduated suffrage； I have taken no account of difference of sex。 I consider it to be as entirely irrelevant to political rights as difference in height or in the colour of the hair。 All human beings have the same interest in good government； the welfare of all is alike affected by it； and they have equal need of a voice in it to secure their share of its benefits。 If there be any difference； women require it more than men； since； being physically weaker； they are more dependent on law and society for protection。 Mankind have long since abandoned the only premises which will support the conclusion that women ought not to have votes。 No one now holds that women should be in personal servitude； that they should have no thought； wish； or occupation； but to be the domestic drudges of husbands； fathers； or brothers。 It is allowed to unmarried； and wants but little of being conceded to married women； to hold property； and have pecuniary and business interests； in the same manner as men。 It is considered suitable and proper that women should think and write； and be teachers。 As soon as these things are admitted； the political disqualification has no principle to rest on。 The whole mode of thought of the modern world is with increasing emphasis pronouncing against the claim of society to decide for individuals what they are and are not fit for； and what they shall and shall not be allowed to attempt。 If the principles of modern politics and political economy are good for anything； it is for proving that these points can only be rightly judged of by the individuals themselves and that； under complete freedom of choice； wherever there are real diversities of aptitude； the great number will apply themselves to the things for which they are on the average fittest； and the exceptional course will only be taken by the exceptions。 Either the whole tendency of modern social improvements has been wrong； or it ought to be carried out to the total abolition of all exclusions and disabilities which close any hone