tum est quod magna assisa non iacet inter eos； set fiat inquisicio per xii；' etc。 Cf。 794； 1005； 1225； 1661。
62。 Bract。 Note…book； 281： 'Et Prior dicit quod in parte bene recordantur set in parte parum dicunt quia iuratores dixerunt quod debuit dare xii。 den pro filia sua maritanda； et debuit plures alias consuetudines et petierunt respectum ut assensum habere possent a domino Roberto de Lexintona utrum hoc esset liberum tenementum ex quo sciunt quid debuit facere et quid non et nullum respectum habere potuerunt。'
63。 Example…Bract。 Note…book； pl。 1887。 Fitzherbert； Abr。 Villen。 38 （13 Ed。 I）： 'Quia predictus J。 nullam probacionem producit neque sectam et cognoscit quod ille est in seisina。。。 de patre predicti W。 quem potuit produxisse ad probacionem； consideratum est quod predicti W。 et R。 liberi maneant。'
64。 Bracton； f。 199。 The jury came in only by consent of the parties。
65。 Britton； i。 207； Fitzherbert； Abr。 Villen。 37。
66。 Court Rolls of Havering atte Bower； Essex； Augment。 Off。 Rolls； xiv。 38。 （Curia…die Jovis proxima ante festum St。 Bartholomaei Apostoli anno r。 r。 Ricardi II； 21mo。） 'Inquisicio。。。 dicit。。。 quod non est aliquis homo natiuus de sanguine ingressus feodum domini； set dicunt quod est quidam Johannes Shillyllg qui Sepius dictus fuerat natiuus。 Et dicunt ultra quod qnidam Johannes Shillyng pater predicti Johannis fuit alienigena et quod predictus Johannes Shillyng quod ad eorum cognitionem est liber et libere condicionis et non natiuus。'
67。 Fitzherbert； Abr。 Villen。 32 （H。 19 Edw。 II）。
68。 Ibid。 5 （13 Edw。 I）。
69。 Fitzherbert； l。c。： 'E ce issu fuit trie par gents de paiis ou le maner est e nemi ou il nasquist par touts les justices。'
70。 Rotuli Parliam。 Ii。 192。 Hargrave's argument in the Negro Somerset's case is very good on all these points。 Howell； State Trials； xx。 38； 39。
71。 Bracton； 201； Britton； i。 202 sq。
72。 Bracton； f 6； and on many other occasions。
73。 Co。 Lit。 137； b。 Cf。 King Henry I's writ in favour of the Monastery of Abingdon。 Bigelow； Placita Anglo…Normannica； 96： 'facias habere F。 abbati omnes homines suos qui de terra sua exierunt propter herberiam curie mee。' Henry II puts it the other way； p 220。。 'Nisi sunt in dominio meo。'
74。 A most curious pleading based on the conceptions of Glanville occurs in a Cor。 Rege case of 10 Henry III； which was pointed out to me by F。 Maitland。 See App。 IV。 Mr York Powell suggests that the limitation may have originated in the fact； that in early times a man could no more give away a slave from his family estate without the consent of the family than he could give away the estate itself or part of it。 There was no reason for such limitation in the case of a slave that had been bought with one's private money。 Hence the necessity of selling a slave in order to emancipate him。 The conjecture seems a very probable one； but the question remains； how such ancient practice could have left a trace in the feudal period。 The explanation in the text may possibly account for the tenacity of the notion。
75。 Note…book； pl。 31； 343。
76。 Bracton； f。 194； 195。 Bracton's text has been rendered almost unintelligible here by the careless punctuation of his editors； and Sir Travers Twiss' translation is as wrong and misleading as usual。 I will just give the passage in accordance with the reading of Digby； 222 （Bodleian Libr。）； which is the best of all the MSS。 I have seen： 'Quia esto quod seruus uelit manumitti et cum nichil habeat proprium eligat fidem alicuius qui eum emat quasi pro denariis suis； per talem emptionem non consequitur emptus aliquam libertatem nisi tantum quod mutat dominum。 In re empta in primis solui debet pretium； postea sequitur traditio rei： soluitur hic pretium pro natiuo； set nulla subsequitur traditio； sed semper manet in uillenagio quo prius。 Si tenementum adquirat tenendum libere et heres manumissoris uel alius successor eum eiciat； si petat per assisam et heres opponat uillenagium； et villanus replicet de manumissione et emptione； heres triplicare poterit； quod imperfecta fuit emptio siue manumissio eo quod nunquam in uita uenditoris subsecuta fuit traditio； et ita talis semper remanebit sub potestate heredis。'
77。 Note book； pl。 1749： 'Iudicatum est quod liber sit quantum ad heredem manumittentis et non quantum ad alios； quod iudicium non est uerum。'
Chapter 3
Ancient Demesne
The old law books mention one kind of villainage which stands out in marked contrast with the other species of servile tenure。 The peasants belonging to manors which were vested in the crown at the time of the Conquest follow a law of their own。 Barring certain exceptions； of which more will be said presently； they enjoy a certainty of condition protected by law。 They are personally free； and although holding in villainage； nobody has the right to deprive them of their lands； or to alter the condition of the tenure； by increasing or changing the services。 Bracton calls their condition one of privileged villainage； because their services are base but certain； and because they are protected not by the usual remedies supplied at common law to free tenants； but by peculiar writs which enforce the custom of the manor。（1*） It seems well worth the while to carefully investigate this curious case with a view to get at the reasons of a notable deviation from the general course； for such investigation may throw some reflected light on the treatment of villainage in the common law。 Legal practice is very explicit as to the limitation of ancient demesne in time and space。 It is composed of the manors which belonged to the crown at the time of the Conquest。（2*） This includes manors which had been given away subsequently； and excludes such as had lapsed to the king after the Conquest by escheat or forfeiture。（3*） Possessions granted away by Saxon kings before the Conquest are equally excluded。（4*） In order to ascertain what these manors were the courts reverted to the Domesday description of Terra Regis。 As a rule these lands were entered as crown lands； T。R。E。 and T。R。W。； that is； were considered to have been in the hand of King Edward in 1066； and in the hand of King William in 1086。 But strictly and legally they were crown lands at the moment when King William's claim inured； or to use the contemporary phrase； 'on the day when King Edward was alive and dead。' The important point evidently was that the Norman king's right in this case bridged over the Conquest； and for this reason such possessions are often simply said to have been royal demesne in the time of Edward the Confessor。 This legal view is well illustrated by a decision of the King's Council； quoted by Belknap； Chief Justice of the Common Pleas； in 1375。 It was held that the manor of Tottenham； although granted by William the Conqueror to the Earl of Chester before the compilation of Domesday； was ancient demesne； as having been in the hands both of St。 Edward and of the Conqueror。（5*） And so 1066 and not 1086 is the decisive year for the legal formation of this class of manors。（6*） In many respects the position of the peasantry in ancient demesne is nearly allied to that of men holding in villainage at common law。 They perform all kinds of agricultural services and are subject to duties quite analogous to those which prevail in other places； we may find on these ancient manors almost all the incidents of servile custom。 Sometimes very harsh forms of distress are used against the tenants；（7*） forfeiture for non…performance of services and non…payments of rents was always impending； in marked contrast with the considerate treatment of free tenantry in such cases。（8*） We often come across such base customs as the payment of merchet in connexion with the 'villain socmen' of ancient demesne。（9*） And such instances would afford ample proof of the fact that their status has branched off from the same stem as villainage； if such proof were otherwise needed。 The side of privilege is not less conspicuous。 The indications given by the law books must be largely supplemented from plea rolls and charters。 The special favour shown to the population on soil of ancient demesne extends much further than a regulation of manorial duties would imply； it resolves itself to a large extent into an exemption from public burdens。 The king's manor is treated as a franchise isolated from the surrounding hundred and shire； its tenants are not bound to attend the county court or the hundred moot；（10*） they are not assessed with the rest for danegeld or common amercements or the murder fine；（11*） they are exempted from the jurisdiction of the sheriff；（12*） and do not serve on juries and assizes before the king's justices；（13*） they are free from toll in all markets and custom…houses。（14*） Last； but not least； they do not get taxed with the country at large； and for this reason they have originally no representatives in parliament when parliament forms itself。 On the other hand； they are liable to be tallaged by the king without consent of parliament； by virtue of his private right as opposed to his political right。（15*） This last privilege gave rise to a very abnormal state of things； when ancient demesne land had passed from the crown to a subject。 The rule was； that the new lord could not tallage his tenants unless in consequence of a royal writ； and then only at the same time and in the same proportion as the king tallaged the demesnes remaining in his hand。（16*） This was an important limitation of the lord's power； and a consequence of the wish to guard against encroachments and arbitrary acts。 But it was at the same time a curious perversion of sovereignty： the person living on land of this description could not be taxed with the county；（17*） and if he was taxed with the demesnes； his lord received the tax； and not the sovereign。 I need not say that all this got righted in time； but the anomalous condition described did exist originally。 There are traces of a different view by which the power of imposing tallage would have been vested exclusively in the king； even when the manor to be taxed was one that had passed out of his hand。（18*） But the general rule up to the fourteenth century was undoubtedly to relinquish the proceeds to the holder of the manor。 Such treatment is eminently charact