vill2- 第32部分

　the　country　an　exceptionally　privileged　position。　England　was　the　only　country　in　Europe　with　a　firmly　constituted　government。　The　Norman　Conquest　had　powerfully　worked　in　the　sense　of　social　feudalism；　but　it　had　arrested　the　disruptive　tendencies　of　political　feudalism。　The　opposition　between　the　two　races；　the　necessity　for　both　to　keep　together；　the　complexity　of　political　questions　which　arose　from　conquest　and　settlement　on　the　one　hand；　from　the　intercourse　with　Normandy　and　France　on　the　other；　　all　these　agencies　working　together　account　for　a　remarkable　intensity　of　action　on　the　part　of　the　centripetal　forces　of　society；　if　I　may　use　the　expression：　there　was　in　England　a　constant　tendency　towards　the　concentration　and　organisation　of　political　power　in　sharp　contrast　with　the　rest　of　Europe　where　the　state　had　fallen　a　prey　to　local　and　private　interests。　One　of　the　external　results　of　such　a　condition　was　the　growth　of　a　royal　power　supported　by　the　sympathy　of　the　lower　English…born　classes；　but　arranging　society　by　the　help　of　Norman　principles　of　fiscal　administration。　Not　less　momentous　was　the　formation　of　an　aristocracy　which　was　compelled　to　act　as　a　class　instead　of　acting　as　a　mere　collection　of　individuals　each　striving　for　his　own　particular　advantage；　as　a　class　it　had　to　reckon　with；　and　sometimes　represent；　the　interests　and　requirements　of　other　classes。　In　all　these　respects　England　was　much　ahead　of　Germany；　where　tribal　divisions　were　more　powerful　than　national　unity；　and　the　state　had　to　form　itself　on　feudal　foundations　in　opposition　to　a　cosmopolitan　Imperial　power；　it　was　not　less　in　advance　of　France；　where　the　work　of　unification；　egotistically　undertaken　by　the　king；　had　hardly　begun　to　get　the　upper　hand　in　its　conflict　with　local　dynasties；　not　less　in　advance　of　Italy；　so　well　situated　for　economic　progress；　but　politically　wrecked　by　its　unhappy　connexion　with　Germany；　the　anti…national　influence　of　the　Papacy；　and　the　one…sided　development　of　municipal　institutions。　By　reason　of　its　political　advantages　England　had　the　start　of　other　European　countries　by　a　whole　century　and　even　by　two　centuries。　The　'silver　streak'　acted　already　as　a　protection　against　foreign　inroads；　the　existence　of　a　central　power　insured　civil　order；　intercourse　between　the　different　parts　of　the　island　opened　outlets　to　trade；　and　reacted　favourably　on　the　exchange　of　commodities　and　the　circulation　of　money。　　　　　Another　set　of　causes　operated　in　close　alliance　with　these　political　influences。　The　position　of　England　in　relation　to　the　European　market　was　from　the　first　an　advantageous　one。　besides　the　natural　development　of　seafaring　pursuits　which　lead　to　international　trade；　and　always　tend　to　quicken　the　economic　progress；　there　were　two　special　reasons　to　account　for　a　speedy　movement　in　the　new　direction：　the　woollen　trade　with　Flanders　begins　to　rise　in　the　twelfth　century；　and　this　is　the　most　important　commercial　feature　in　the　life　of　North…Western　Europe；　then　again；　the　possession　of　Normandy　and　the　occupation　of　Aquitaine　and　other　provinces　of　France　by　the　English　opened　markets　and　roads　for　a　very　brisk　commercial　intercourse　with　the　Continent。　As　an　outcome　of　all　these　political　and　economical　conditions　we　find　the　England　of　the　thirteenth　century　undoubtedly　moving　from　natural　husbandry　to　the　money…system。　　　　　The　consequences　are　to　be　seen　on　every　side　in　the　arrangements　of　state　and　society。　The　means　of　government　were　modified　by　the　economic　change。　Hired　troops　took　the　place　of　feudal　levies；　kings　easily　renounced　the　military　service　of　their　tenants　and　took　scutages　which　give　them　the　means　of　keeping　submissive　and　well…drilled　soldiers。　The　same　process　took　place　all　through　the　country　on　the　land　of　secular　and　ecclesiastical　lords。　They　all　preferred　taking　money　which　is　so　readily　spent　and　so　easy　to　keep；　which　may　transform　itself　equally　well　into　gorgeous　pageants　and　into　capital　for　carrying　on　work；　instead　of　exacting　old…fashioned　unwieldly　ploughings　and　reapings　or　equally　clumsy　rents　in　kind。　　　　　On　the　other　hand；　the　peasants　were　equally　anxious　to　get　out　of　the　customary　system：　through　its　organisation　of　labour　it　involved　necessarily　many　annoyances；　petty　exactions　and　coercion；　it　involved　a　great　waste　of　time　and　energy。　The　landlord　gained　by　the　change；　because　he　received　an　economic　instrument　of　greater　efficiency；　the　peasant　gained　because　he　got　rid　of　personal　subjection　to　control；　both　gained；　for　a　whole　system　of　administration；　a　whole　class　of　administrators；　stewards；　bailiffs；　reeves；　a　whole　mass　of　cumbrous　accounts　and　archaic　procedure　became　unnecessary。　　　　　In　reality　the　peasantry　gained　much　more　than　the　lord。　Just　because　money　rents　displaced　the　ploughings　and　reapings　very　gradually；　they　assumed　the　most　important　characteristic　of　these　latter　　their　customary　uniformity；　tradition　kept　them　at　a　certain　level　which　it　was　very　difficult　to　disturb；　even　when　the　interests　of　the　lord　and　the　conditions　of　the　time　had　altered　a　great　deal。　Prices　fluctuate　and　rise　gradually；　the　buying　strength　of　money　gets　lowered　little　by　little；　but　customary　rents　remain　much　the　same　as　they　were　before。　Thus　in　process　of　time　the　balance　gets　altered　for　the　benefit　of　the　rent　payer。　I　do　not　mean　to　say　that　such　views　and　such　facts　were　in　full　operation　from　the　very　beginning：　one　of　the　chief　reasons　for　holding　the　Glastonbury　inquest　of　1189　was　the　wish　to　ascertain　whether　the　rents　actually　corresponded　to　the　value　of　the　plots；　and　to　make　the　necessary　modifications。　But　such　fresh　assessments　were　very　rare；　it　was　difficult　to　carry　them　into　practice；　and　the　general　tendency　was　distinctly　towards　a　stability　of　customary　rents。　　　　　The　whole　process　has　a　social　and　not　merely　an　economical　meaning。　Commutation；　even　when　it　was　restricted　to　agricultural　services；　certainly　tended　to　weaken　the　hold　of　the　lord　on　his　men。　Personal　interference　was　excluded　by　it；　the　manorial　relation　resolved　itself　into　a　practice　of　paying　certain　dues　once　or　several　times　a　year；　the　peasant　ceased　to　be　a　tool　in　the　husbandry　arrangements　of　his　master。　The　change　made　itself　especially　felt　when　the　commutation　took　place　in　regard　to　entire　villages：（3*）　the　new　arrangement　developed　into　the　custom　of　a　locality；　and　gathered　strength　by　the　number　of　individuals　concerned　in　it；　and　the　cohesion　of　the　group。　In　order　not　to　lose　all　power　in　such　a　township；　the　lords　usually　reserved　some　cases　for　special　interference　and　stipulated　that　some　services　should　still　be　rendered　in　kind。（4*）　　　　　Again；　the　conversion　of　services　into　rents　did　not　always　present　itself　merely　in　the　form　just　described：　it　was　not　always　effected　by　the　mere　will　of　the　lord；　without　any　legally　binding　acts。　Commutation　gave　rise　to　actual　agreements　which　came　more　or　less　under　the　notice　of　the　law。　We　constantly　find　in　the　Hundred　Rolls　and　in　the　Cartularies　that　villains　are　holding　land　by　written　covenant。　In　this　case　they　always　pay　rent。　Sometimes　a　villain；　or　a　whole　township；　gets　emancipated　from　certain　duties　by　charter；（5*）　and　the　infringement　of　such　an　instrument　would　have　given　the　villains　a　standing　ground　for　pleading　against　the　lord。　it　happened　from　time　to　time　that　bondmen　took　advantage　of　such　deeds　to　claim　their　liberty；　and　to　prove　that　the　lord　had　entered　into　agreement　with　them　as　with　free　people。（6*）　To　prevent　such　misconstruction　the　lord　very　often　guards　expressly　against　it；　and　inserts　a　provision　to　say　that　the　agreement　is　not　to　be　construed　against　his　rights　and　in　favour　of　personal　freedom。（7*）　　　　　The　influence　of　commutation　makes　itself　felt　in　the　growth　of　a　number　of　social　groups　which　arrange　themselves　between　the　free　and　the　servile　tenantry　without　fitting　exactly　into　either　class。　Our　manorial　authorities　often　mention　mol…land　and　mol…men。（8*）　The　description　of　their　obligations　always　points　one　way：　they　are　rent…paying　tenants　who　may　be　bound　to　some　extra　work；　but　who　are　very　definitely　distinguished　from　the　'custumarii；'　the　great　mass　of　peasants　who　render　labour　services。（9*）　Kentish　documents　use　'mala'　or　'mal'　for　a　particular　species　of　rent；　and　explain　the　term　as　a　payment　in　commutation　of　servile　customs。（10*）　In　this　sense　it　is　sometimes　opposed　to　gafol　or　gable　　the　old　Saxon　rent　in　money　or　in　kind；　this　last　being　considered　as　having　been　laid　on　the　holding　from　all　time；　and　not　as　the　result　of　a　commutation。（11*）　Etymologically　there　is　reason　to　believe　that　the　term　mal　is　of　Danish　origin；（12*）　and　the　meaning　has　been　kept　in　practice　by　the　Scotch　dialect。（13*）　What　immediately　concerns　our　present　purpose　is；　that　the　word　mal…men　or　mol…men　is　commonly　used　in　the　feudal　period　for　villains　who　have　been　released　from　most　of　their　services　by　the　lord　on　condition　of　paying　certain　rents。　Legally　they　ought　to　remain　in　their　former　condition；　because　no　formal　emancipation　has　taken　place；　but　the　economical　change　reacts　on　their　status；　and　the　manorial　documents　show　clearly　how　the　whole　class　gradually　gathers　importance　and　obtains　a　firmer　footing　than　was　strictly　consistent　with　its　servile　origin。（14*）　　　　　In　the　Bury　St。　Edmund's　case　just　quoted　in　a　footnote　the　fundamental　principle　of　servility　is　stated　emphatically；　but　the　statement　was　occasioned　by　gradual　encroachments　on　the　part　of　the　molmen；　who　were　evidently　becoming　hardly　distinguishable　from　freeholders。（15*）　And　in　many　Cartularies　we　find　these　molmen　actually　enumerated　with　the　freeholders；　a　very　striking　fact；　because　the　clear　interest　of　the　lord　was　to　keep　the　two　classes　asunder；　and　the　process　of　making　a　manorial　'extent'　and　classifying　the　tenants　must　have　been　under　his　control。　As　a　matter　of　fact；　the　village　juries　were　independent　enough　to　make　their　presentments　more　in　accordance　with　custom　than　in　accordance　with　the　lord's　interests。　In　a　transcript　of　a　register　of　the　priory　of　Eye　in　Suffolk；　which　seems　to　have　been　compiled　at　the　time　of　Edward　I；　the　molmen　are　distinguished　from　villains　in　a　ver