people is transferred to the rulers conditionally； under definite
and known conditions； and to show that all limitations； conflicts； and
even destructions of power result from a nonobservance by the rulers
of the conditions under which their power was entrusted to them； or
（3） that the will of the people is delegated to the rulers
conditionally； but that the conditions are unknown and indefinite； and
that the appearance of several authorities； their struggles and
their falls； result solely from the greater or lesser fulfillment by
the rulers of these unknown conditions on which the will of the people
is transferred from some people to others。
And these are the three ways in which the historians do explain
the relation of the people to their rulers。
Some historians… those biographical and specialist historians
already referred to… in their simplicity failing to understand the
question of the meaning of power； seem to consider that the collective
will of the people is unconditionally transferred to historical
persons； and therefore when describing some single state they assume
that particular power to be the one absolute and real power； and
that any other force opposing this is not a power but a violation of
power… mere violence。
Their theory； suitable for primitive and peaceful periods of
history； has the inconvenience… in application to complex and stormy
periods in the life of nations during which various powers arise
simultaneously and struggle with one another… that a Legitimist
historian will prove that the National Convention； the Directory；
and Bonaparte were mere infringers of the true power； while a
Republican and a Bonapartist will prove： the one that the Convention
and the other that the Empire was the real power； and that all the
others were violations of power。 Evidently the explanations
furnished by these historians being mutually contradictory can only
satisfy young children。
Recognizing the falsity of this view of history； another set of
historians say that power rests on a conditional delegation of the
will of the people to their rulers； and that historical leaders have
power only conditionally on carrying out the program that the will
of the people has by tacit agreement prescribed to them。 But what this
program consists in these historians do not say； or if they do they
continually contradict one another。
Each historian； according to his view of what constitutes a nation's
progress； looks for these conditions in the greatness； wealth；
freedom； or enlightenment of citizens of France or some other country。
But not to mention the historians' contradictions as to the nature
of this program… or even admitting that some one general program of
these conditions exists… the facts of history almost always contradict
that theory。 If the conditions under which power is entrusted
consist in the wealth； freedom； and enlightenment of the people； how
is it that Louis XIV and Ivan the Terrible end their reigns
tranquilly； while Louis XVI and Charles I are executed by their
people？ To this question historians reply that Louis XIV's activity；
contrary to the program； reacted on Louis XVI。 But why did it not
react on Louis XIV or on Louis XV… why should it react just on Louis
XVI？ And what is the time limit for such reactions？ To these questions
there are and can be no answers。 Equally little does this view explain
why for several centuries the collective will is not withdrawn from
certain rulers and their heirs； and then suddenly during a period of
fifty years is transferred to the Convention； to the Directory； to
Napoleon； to Alexander； to Louis XVIII； to Napoleon again； to
Charles X； to Louis Philippe； to a Republican government； and to
Napoleon III。 When explaining these rapid transfers of the people's
will from from one individual to another； especially in view of
international relations； conquests； and alliances； the historians
are obliged to admit that some of these transfers are not normal
delegations of the people's will but are accidents dependent on
cunning； on mistakes； on craft； or on the weakness of a diplomatist； a
ruler； or a party leader。 So that the greater part of the events of
history… civil wars； revolutions； and conquests… are presented by
these historians not as the results of free transferences of the
people's will； but as results of the ill…directed will of one or
more individuals； that is； once again； as usurpations of power。 And so
these historians also see and admit historical events which are
exceptions to the theory。
These historians resemble a botanist who； having noticed that some
plants grow from seeds producing two cotyledons； should insist that
all that grows does so by sprouting into two leaves； and that the
palm； the mushroom； and even the oak； which blossom into full growth
and no longer resemble two leaves； are deviations from the theory。
Historians of the third class assume that the will of the people
is transferred to historic personages conditionally； but that the
conditions are unknown to us。 They say that historical personages have
power only because they fulfill the will of the people which has
been delegated to them。
But in that case； if the force that moves nations lies not in the
historic leaders but in the nations themselves； what significance have
those leaders？
The leaders； these historians tell us； express the will of the
people： the activity of the leaders represents the activity of the
people。
But in that case the question arises whether all the activity of the
leaders serves as an expression of the people's will or only some part
of it。 If the whole activity of the leaders serves as the expression
of the people's will； as some historians suppose； then all the details
of the court scandals contained in the biographies of a Napoleon or
a Catherine serve to express the life of the nation； which is
evident nonsense； but if it is only some particular side of the
activity of an historical leader which serves to express the
people's life； as other so…called 〃philosophical〃 historians
believe； then to determine which side of the activity of a leader
expresses the nation's life； we have first of all to know in what
the nation's life consists。
Met by this difficulty historians of that class devise some most
obscure； impalpable； and general abstraction which can cover all
conceivable occurrences； and declare this abstraction to be the aim of
humanity's movement。 The most usual generalizations adopted by
almost all the historians are： freedom； equality； enlightenment；
progress； civilization； and culture。 Postulating some generalization
as the goal of the movement of humanity； the historians study the
men of whom the greatest number of monuments have remained： kings；
ministers； generals； authors； reformers； popes； and journalists； to
the extent to which in their opinion these persons have promoted or
hindered that abstraction。 But as it is in no way proved that the
aim of humanity does consist in freedom； equality； enlightenment； or
civilization； and as the connection of the people with the rulers
and enlighteners of humanity is only based on the arbitrary assumption
that the collective will of the people is always transferred to the
men whom we have noticed； it happens that the activity of the millions
who migrate； burn houses； abandon agriculture； and destroy one another
never is expressed in the account of the activity of some dozen people
who did not burn houses； practice agriculture； or slay their fellow
creatures。
History proves this at every turn。 Is the ferment of the peoples
of the west at the end of the eighteenth century and their drive
eastward explained by the activity of Louis XIV； XV； and XVI； their
mistresses and ministers； and by the lives of Napoleon； Rousseau；
Diderot； Beaumarchais； and others？
Is the movement of the Russian people eastward to Kazan and
Siberia expressed by details of the morbid character of Ivan the
Terrible and by his correspondence with Kurbski？
Is the movement of the peoples at the time of the Crusades explained
by the life and activity of the Godfreys and the Louis…es and their
ladies？ For us that movement of the peoples from west to east； without
leaders； with a crowd of vagrants； and with Peter the Hermit；
remains incomprehensible。 And yet more incomprehensible is the
cessation of that movement when a rational and sacred aim for the
Crusade… the deliverance of Jerusalem… had been clearly defined by
historic leaders。 Popes； kings； and knights incited the peoples to
free the Holy Land； but the people did not go； for the unknown cause
which had previously impelled them to go no longer existed。 The
history of the Godfreys and the Minnesingers can evidently not cover
the life of the peoples。 And the history of the Godfreys and the
Minnesingers has remained the history of Godfreys and Minnesingers；
but the history of the life of the peoples and their impulses has
remained unknown。
Still less does the history of authors and reformers explain to us
the life of the peoples。
The history of culture explains to us the impulses and conditions of
life and thought of a writer or a reformer。 We learn that Luther had a
hot temper and said such and such things； we learn that Rousseau was
suspicious and wrote such and such books； but we do not learn why
after the Reformation the peoples massacred one another； nor why
during the French Revolution they guillotined one another。
If we unite both these kinds of history； as is done by the newest
historians； we shall have the history of monarchs and writers； but not
the history of the life of the peoples。
EP2｜CH5
CHAPTER V
The life of the nations is not contained in the lives of a few
men； for the connection between those men and the nations has not been
found。 The theory that this connection is based on the transference of
the collective will of a people to certain historical personages is an
hypothesis unconfirmed by the experience of history。
The theory of the transference of t