the price of such a commodity could be enhanced by such a tax：
but how far the general enhancement of the price of labour might
affect that of every different commodity about which labour was
employed could never be known with any tolerable exactness。 It
would be impossible； therefore； to proportion with any tolerable
exactness the tax upon every foreign to this enhancement of the
price of every home commodity。
Secondly； taxes upon the necessaries of life have nearly the
same effect upon the circumstances of the people as a poor soil
and a bad climate。 Provisions are thereby rendered dearer in the
same manner as if it required extraordinary labour and expense to
raise them。 As in the natural scarcity arising from soil and
climate it would be absurd to direct the people in what manner
they ought to employ their capitals and industry； so is it
likewise in the artificial scarcity arising from such taxes。 To
be left to accommodate； as well as they could； their industry to
their situation； and to find out those employments in which；
notwithstanding their unfavourable circumstances； they might have
some advantage either in the home or in the foreign market； is
what in both cases would evidently be most for their advantage。
To lay a new tax upon them； because they are already overburdened
with taxes； and because they already pay too dear for the
necessaries of life； to make them likewise pay too dear for the
greater part of other commodities； is certainly a most absurd way
of making amends。
Such taxes； when they have grown up to a certain height； are
a curse equal to the barrenness of the earth and the inclemency
of the heavens； and yet it is in the richest and most industrious
countries that they have been most generally imposed。 No other
countries could support so great a disorder。 As the strongest
bodies only can live and enjoy health under an unwholesome
regimen； so the nations only that in every sort of industry have
the greatest natural and acquired advantages can subsist and
prosper under such taxes。 Holland is the country in Europe in
which they abound most； and which from peculiar circumstances
continues to prosper； not by means of them； as has been most
absurdly supposed； but in spite of them。
As there are two cases in which it will generally be
advantageous to lay some burden upon foreign for the
encouragement of domestic industry； so there are two others in
which it may sometimes be a matter of deliberation； in the one；
how far it is proper to continue the free importation of certain
foreign goods； and in the other； how far； or in what manner； it
may be proper to restore that free importation after it has been
for some time interrupted。
The case in which it may sometimes be a matter of
deliberation how far it is proper to continue the free
importation of certain foreign goods is； when some foreign nation
restrains by high duties or prohibitions the importation of some
of our manufactures into their country。 Revenge in this case
naturally dictates retaliation； and that we should impose the
like duties and prohibitions upon the importation of some or all
of their manufactures into ours。 Nations； accordingly； seldom
fail to retaliate in this manner。 The French have been
particularly forward to favour their own manufactures by
restraining the importation of such foreign goods as could come
into competition with them。 In this consisted a great part of the
policy of Mr。 Colbert； who； notwithstanding his great abilities；
seems in this case to have been imposed upon by the sophistry of
merchants and manufacturers； who are always demanding a monopoly
against their countrymen。 It is at present the opinion of the
most intelligent men in France that his operations of this kind
have not been beneficial to his country。 That minister； by the
tariff of 1667； imposed very high duties upon a great number of
foreign manufactures。 Upon his refusing to moderate them in
favour of the Dutch； they in 1671 prohibited the importation of
the wines； brandies； and manufactures of France。 The war of 1672
seems to have been in part occasioned by this commercial dispute。
The peace of Nimeguen put an end to it in 1678 by moderating some
of those duties in favour of the Dutch； who in consequence took
off their prohibition。 It was about the same time that the French
and English began mutually to oppress each other's industry by
the like duties and prohibitions； of which the French； however；
seem to have set the first example。 The spirit of hostility which
has subsisted between the two nations ever since has hitherto
hindered them from being moderated on either side。 In 1697 the
English prohibited the importation of bonelace； the manufacture
of Flanders。 The government of that country； at that time under
the dominion of Spain； prohibited in return the importation of
English woollens。 In 1700； the prohibition of importing bonelace
into England was taken off upon condition that the importance of
English woollens into Flanders should be put on the same footing
as before。
There may be good policy in retaliations of this kind； when
there is a probability that they will procure the repeal of the
high duties or prohibitions complained of。 The recovery of a
great foreign market will generally more than compensate the
transitory inconveniency of paying dearer during a short time for
some sorts of goods。 To judge whether such retaliations are
likely to produce such an effect does not； perhaps； belong so
much to the science of a legislator； whose deliberations ought to
be governed by general principles which are always the same； as
to the skill of that insidious and crafty animal； vulgarly called
a statesman or politician； whose councils are directed by the
momentary fluctuations of affairs。 When there is no probability
that any such repeal can be procured； it seems a bad method of
compensating the injury done to certain classes of our people to
do another injury ourselves； not only to those classes； but to
almost all the other classes of them。 When our neighbours
prohibit some manufacture of ours； we generally prohibit； not
only the same； for that alone would seldom affect them
considerably； but some other manufacture of theirs。 This may no
doubt give encouragement to some particular class of workmen
among ourselves； and by excluding some of their rivals； may
enable them to raise their price in the home market。 Those
workmen； however； who suffered by our neighbours' prohibition
will not be benefited by ours。 On the contrary； they and almost
all the other classes of our citizens will thereby be obliged to
pay dearer than before for certain goods。 Every such law；
therefore； imposes a real tax upon the whole country； not in
favour of that particular class of workmen who were injured by
our neighbours' prohibition； but of some other class。
The case in which it may sometimes be a matter of
deliberation； how far； or in what manner； it is proper to restore
the free importation of foreign goods； after it has been for some
time interrupted； is； when particular manufactures； by means of
high duties or prohibitions upon all foreign goods which can come
into competition with them； have been so far extended as to
employ a great multitude of hands。 Humanity may in this case
require that the freedom of trade should be restored only by slow
gradations； and with a good deal of reserve and circumspection。
Were those high duties and prohibitions taken away all at once；
cheaper foreign goods of the same kind might be poured so fast
into the home market as to deprive all at once many thousands of
our people of their ordinary employment and means of subsistence。
The disorder which this would occasion might no doubt be very
considerable。 It would in all probability； however； be much less
than is commonly imagined； for the two following reasons：…
First； all those manufactures； of which any part is commonly
exported to other European countries without a bounty； could be
very little affected by the freest importation of foreign goods。
Such manufactures must be sold as cheap abroad as any other
foreign goods of the same quality and kind； and consequently must
be sold cheaper at home。 They would still； therefore； keep
possession of the home market； and though a capricious man of
fashion might sometimes prefer foreign wares； merely because they
were foreign； to cheaper and better goods of the same kind that
were made at home； this folly could； from the nature of things；
extend to so few that it could make no sensible impression upon
the general employment of the people。 But a great part of all the
different branches of our woollen manufacture； of our tanned
leather； and of our hardware； are annually exported to other
European countries without any bounty； and these are the
manufactures which employ the greatest number of hands。 The silk；
perhaps； is the manufacture which would suffer the most by this
freedom of trade； and after it the linen； though the latter much
less than the former。
Secondly； though a great number of people should； by thus
restoring the freedom of trade； be thrown all at once out of
their ordinary employment and common method of subsistence； it
would by no means follow that they would thereby be deprived
either of employment or subsistence。 By the reduction of the army
and navy at the end of the late war； more than a hundred thousand
soldiers and seamen； a number equal to what is employed in the
greatest manufactures； were all at once thrown out of their
ordinary employment； but； though they no doubt suffered some
inconveniency； they were not thereby deprived of all employment
and subsistence。 The greater part of the seamen； it is probable；
gradually betook themselves to the merchant…service as they could
find occasion； and in the meantime both they and the soldiers
were absorbed in the great mass of the people； and employed in a
great variety of occupations。 Not only no great convulsion； but
no sensible disorder arose from so great a