sacrificed to it； even according to the mercantile ideas of that
interest。 It was for the interest of the merchants to pay as
little as possible for the foreign which they sent to the
colonies； and； consequently； to get back as much as possible of
the duties which they advanced upon their importation into Great
Britain。 They might thereby be enabled to sell in the colonies
either the same quantity of goods with a greater profit； or a
greater quantity with the same profit； and； consequently； to gain
something either in the one way or the other。 It was likewise for
the interest of the colonies to get all such goods as cheap and
in as great abundance as possible。 But this might not always be
for the interest of the mother country。 She might frequently
suffer both in her revenue； by giving back a great part of the
duties which had been paid upon the importation of such goods；
and in her manufactures； by being undersold in the colony market；
in consequence of the easy terms upon which foreign manufactures
could be carried thither by means of those drawbacks。 The
progress of the linen manufacture of Great Britain； it is
commonly said； has been a good deal retarded by the drawbacks
upon the re…exportation of German linen to the American colonies。
But though the policy of Great Britain with regard to the
trade of her colonies has been dictated by the same mercantile
spirit as that of other nations； it has； however； upon the whole；
been less illiberal and oppressive than that of any of them。
In everything； except their foreign trade； the liberty of
the English colonists to manage their own affairs their own way
is complete。 It is in every respect equal to that of their
fellow…citizens at home； and is secured in the same manner； by an
assembly of the representatives of the people； who claim the sole
right of imposing taxes for the support of the colony government。
The authority of this assembly overawes the executive power； and
neither the meanest nor the most obnoxious colonist； as long as
he obeys the law； has anything to fear from the resentment；
either of the governor or of any other civil or military officer
in the province。 The colony assemblies though； like the House of
Commons in England； are not always a very equal representation of
the people； yet they approach more nearly to that character； and
as the executive power either has not the means to corrupt them；
or； on account of the support which it receives from the mother
country； is not under the necessity of doing so； they are perhaps
in general more influenced by the inclinations of their
constituents。 The councils which； in the colony legislatures；
correspond to the House of Lords in Great Britain； are not
composed of an hereditary nobility。 In some of the colonies； as
in three of the governments of New England； those councils are
not appointed by the king； but chosen by the representatives of
the people。 In none of the English colonies is there any
hereditary nobility。 In all of them； indeed； as in all other free
countries； the descendant of an old colony family is more
respected than an upstart of equal merit and fortune； but he is
only more respected； and he has no privileges by which he can be
troublesome to his neighbours。 Before the commencement of the
present disturbances； the colony assemblies had not only the
legislative but a part of the executive power。 In Connecticut and
Rhode Island； they elected the governor。 In the other colonies
they appointed the revenue officers who collected the taxes
imposed by those respective assemblies； to whom those officers
were immediately responsible。 There is more equality； therefore；
among the English colonists than among the inhabitants of the
mother country。 Their manners are more republican； and their
governments； those of three of the provinces of New England in
particular； have hitherto been more republican too。
The absolute governments of Spain； Portugal； and France； on
the contrary； take place in their colonies； and the discretionary
powers which such governments commonly delegate to all their
inferior officers are； on account of the great distance；
naturally exercised there with more than ordinary violence。 Under
all absolute governments there is more liberty in the capital
than in any other part of the country。 The sovereign himself can
never have either interest or inclination to pervert the order of
justice； or to oppress the great body of the people。 In the
capital his presence overawes more or less all his inferior
officers； who in the remoter provinces； from whence the
complaints of the people are less likely to reach him； can
exercise their tyranny with much more safety。 But the European
colonies in America are more remote than the most distant
provinces of the greatest empires which had ever been known
before。 The government of the English colonies is perhaps the
only one which； since the world began； could give perfect
security to the inhabitants of so very distant a province。 The
administration of the French colonies； however； has always been
conducted with more gentleness and moderation than that of the
Spanish and Portugese。 This superiority of conduct is suitable
both to the character of the French nation； and to what forms the
character of every nation； the nature of their government； which
though arbitrary and violent in comparison with that of Great
Britain； is legal and free in comparison with those of Spain and
Portugal。
It is in the progress of the North American colonies；
however； that the superiority of the English policy chiefly
appears。 The progress of the sugar colonies of France has been at
least equal； perhaps superior； to that of the greater part of
those of England； and yet the sugar colonies of England enjoy a
free government nearly of the same kind with that which takes
place in her colonies of North America。 But the sugar colonies of
France are not discouraged； like those of England； from refining
their own sugar； and； what is of still greater importance； the
genius of their government naturally introduces a better
management of their negro slaves。
In all European colonies the culture of the sugar…cane is
carried on by negro slaves。 The constitution of those who have
been born in the temperate climate of Europe could not； it is
supposed； support the labour of digging the ground under the
burning sun of the West Indies； and the culture of the sugarcane；
as it is managed at present； is all hand labour； though； in the
opinion of many； the drill plough might be introduced into it
with great advantage。 But； as the profit and success of the
cultivation which is carried on by means of cattle； depend very
much upon the good management of those cattle； so the profit and
success of that which is carried on by slaves must depend equally
upon the good management of those slaves； and in the good
management of their slaves the French planters； I think it is
generally allowed； are superior to the English。 The law； so far
as it gives some weak protection to the slave against the
violence of his master； is likely to be better executed in a
colony where the government is in a great measure arbitrary than
in one where it is altogether free。 In every country where the
unfortunate law of slavery is established； the magistrate； when
he protects the slave； intermeddles in some measure in the
management of the private property of the master； and； in a free
country； where the master is perhaps either a member of the
colony assembly； or an elector of such a member； he dare not do
this but with the greatest caution and circumspection。 The
respect which he is obliged to pay to the master renders it more
difficult for him to protect the slave。 But in a country where
the government is in a great measure arbitrary； where it is usual
for the magistrate to intermeddle even in the management of the
private property of individuals； and to send them； perhaps； a
lettre de cachet if they do not manage it according to his
liking； it is much easier for him to give some protection to the
slave； and common humanity naturally disposes him to do so。 The
protection of the magistrate renders the slave less contemptible
in the eyes of his master； who is thereby induced to consider him
with more regard； and to treat him with more gentleness。 Gentle
usage renders the slave not only more faithful； but more
intelligent； and therefore； upon a double account； more useful。
He approaches more to the condition of a free servant； and may
possess some degree of integrity and attachment to his master's
interest； virtues which frequently belong to free servants； but
which never can belong to a slave who is treated as slaves
commonly are in countries where the master is perfectly free and
secure。
That the condition of a slave is better under an arbitrary
than under a free government is； I believe； supported by the
history of all ages and nations。 In the Roman history； the first
time we read of the magistrate interposing to protect the slave
from the violence of his master is under the emperors。 When
Vedius Pollio； in the presence of Augustus； ordered one of his
slaves； who had committed a slight fault； to be cut into pieces
and thrown into his fish pond in order to feed his fishes； the
emperor commanded him； with indignation； to emancipate
immediately； not only that slave； but all the others that
belonged to him。 Under the republic no magistrate could have had
authority enough to protect the slave； much less to punish the
master。
The stock； it is to be observed； which has improved the
sugar colonies of France； particularly the great colony of St。
Domingo； has been raised almost entirely from the gradual
improvement and cultivation of those colonies。 It has been almost
altogether the produce of the soil and of the industry of the
colonies； or； what comes to the same thing； the price of that
produce gradually accumulated by good management； and employed in
raising a still greater produce。 But the stock which has im