incapable of taking any legacy devised to him within this
kingdom； or of being executor or administrator to any person； or
of taking any lands within this kingdom by descent； device； or
purchase。 He likewise forfeits to the king all his lands； goods；
and chattels； is declared an alien in every respect； and is put
out of the king's protection。
It is unnecessary； I imagine； to observe how contrary such
regulations are to the boasted liberty of the subject； of which
we affect to be so very jealous； but which； in this case； is so
plainly sacrificed to the futile interests of our merchants and
manufacturers。
The laudable motive of all these regulations is to extend
our own manufactures； not by their own improvement； but by the
depression of those of all our neighbours； and by putting an end；
as much as possible； to the troublesome competition of such
odious and disagreeable rivals。 Our master manufacturers think it
reasonable that they themselves should have the monopoly of the
ingenuity of all their countrymen。 Though by restraining； in some
trades； the number of apprentices which can be employed at one
time； and by imposing the necessity of a long apprenticeship in
all trades； they endeavour； all of them； to confine the knowledge
of their respective employments to as small a number as possible；
they are unwilling； however； that any part of this small number
should go abroad to instruct foreigners。
Consumption is the sole end and purpose of all production；
and the interest of the producer ought to be attended to only so
far as it may be necessary for promoting that of the consumer。
The maxim is so perfectly self evident that it would be absurd to
attempt to prove it。 But in the mercantile system the interest of
the consumer is almost constantly sacrificed to that of the
producer； and it seems to consider production； and not
consumption； as the ultimate end and object of all industry and
commerce。
In the restraints upon the importation of all foreign
commodities which can come into competition with those of our own
growth or manufacture； the interest of the home consumer is
evidently sacrificed to that of the producer。 It is altogether
for the benefit of the latter that the former is obliged to pay
that enhancement of price which this monopoly almost always
occasions。
It is altogether for the benefit of the producer that
bounties are granted upon the exportation of some of his
productions。 The home consumer is obliged to pay； first； the tax
which is necessary for paying the bounty； and secondly； the still
greater tax which necessarily arises from the enhancement of the
price of the commodity in the home market。
By the famous treaty of commerce with Portugal； the consumer
is prevented by high duties from purchasing of a neighbouring
country a commodity which our own climate does not produce； but
is obliged to purchase it of a distant country； though it is
acknowledged that the commodity of the distant country is of a
worse quality than that of the near one。 The home consumer is
obliged to submit to this inconveniency in order that the
producer may import into the distant country some of his
productions upon more advantageous terms than he would otherwise
have been allowed to do。 The consumer； too； is obliged to pay
whatever enhancement in the price if those very productions this
forced exportation may occasion in the home market。
But in the system of laws which has been established for the
management of our American and West Indian colonies； the interest
of the home consumer has been sacrificed to that of the producer
with a more extravagant profusion than in all our other
commercial regulations。 A great empire has been established for
the sole purpose of raising up a nation of customers who should
be obliged to buy from the shops of our different producers all
the goods with which these could supply them。 For the sake of
that little enhancement of price which this monopoly might afford
our producers； the home consumers have been burdened with the
whole expense of maintaining and defending that empire。 For this
purpose； and for this purpose only； in the two last wars； more
than two hundred millions have been spent； and a new debt of more
than a hundred and seventy millions has been contracted over and
above all that had been expended for the same purpose in former
wars。 The interest of this debt alone is not only greater than
the whole extraordinary profit which it ever could be pretended
was made by the monopoly of the colony trade； but than the whole
value of that trade； or than the whole value of the goods which
at an average have been annually exported to the colonies。
It cannot be very difficult to determine who have been the
contrivers of this whole mercantile system； not the consumers； we
may believe； whose interest has been entirely neglected； but the
producers； whose interest has been so carefully attended to； and
among this latter class our merchants and manufacturers have been
by far the principal architects。 In the mercantile regulations；
which have been taken notice of in this chapter； the interest of
our manufacturers has been most peculiarly attended to； and the
interest； not so much of the consumers； as that of some other
sets of producers； has been sacrificed to it。
CHAPTER IX
Of the Agricultural Systems； or of those Systems of Political
Economy which represent the Produce of Land as either the sole or
the principal Source of the Revenue and Wealth every Country
THE agricultural systems of political economy will not
require so long an explanation as that which I have thought it
necessary to bestow upon the mercantile or commercial system。
That system which represents the produce of land as the sole
source of the revenue and wealth of every country has； so far as
I know； never been adopted by any nation； and it at present
exists only in the speculations of a few men of great learning
and ingenuity in France。 It would not； surely； be worth while to
examine at great length the errors of a system which never has
done； and probably never will do； any harm in any part of the
world。 I shall endeavour to explain； however； as distinctly as I
can； the great outlines of this very ingenious system。
Mr。 Colbert； the famous minister of Louis XIV； was a man of
probity； of great industry and knowledge of detail； of great
experience and acuteness in the examination of public accounts；
and of abilities； in short； every way fitted for introducing
method and good order into the collection and expenditure of the
public revenue。 That minister had unfortunately embraced all the
prejudices of the mercantile system； in its nature and essence a
system of restraint and regulation； and such as could scarce fail
to be agreeable to a laborious and plodding man of business； who
had been accustomed to regulate the different departments of
public offices； and to establish the necessary checks and
controls for confining each to its proper sphere。 The industry
and commerce of a great country he endeavoured to regulate upon
the same model as the departments of a public office； and instead
of allowing every man to pursue his own interest in his own way；
upon the liberal plan of equality； liberty； and justice； he
bestowed upon certain branches of industry extraordinary
privileges； while he laid others under as extraordinary
restraints。 He was not only disposed； like other European
ministers； to encourage more the industry of the towns than that
of the country； but； in order to support the industry of the
towns； he was willing even to depress and keep down that of the
country。 In order to render provisions cheap to the inhabitants
of the towns； and thereby to encourage manufactures and foreign
commerce； he prohibited altogether the exportation of corn； and
thus excluded the inhabitants of the country from every foreign
market for by far the most important part of the produce of their
industry。 This prohibition； joined to the restraints imposed by
the ancient provincial laws of France upon the transportation of
corn from one province to another； and to the arbitrary and
degrading taxes which are levied upon the cultivators in almost
all the provinces； discouraged and kept down the agriculture of
that country very much below the state to which it would
naturally have risen in so very fertile a soil and so very happy
a climate。 This state of discouragement and depression was felt
more or less in every different part of the country； and many
different inquiries were set on foot concerning the causes of it。
One of those causes appeared to be the preference given； by the
institutions of Mr。 Colbert； to the industry of the towns above
that of the country。
If the rod be bent too much one way； says the proverb； in
order to make it straight you must bend it as much the other。 The
French philosophers； who have proposed the system which
represents agriculture as the sole source of the revenue and
wealth of every country； seem to have adopted this proverbial
maxim； and as in the plan of Mr。 Colbert the industry of the
towns was certainly overvalued in comparison with that of the
country； so in their system it seems to be as certainly
undervalued。
The different orders of people who have ever been supposed
to contribute in any respect towards the annual produce of the
land and labour of the country； they divide into three classes。
The first is the class of the proprietors of land。 The second is
the class of the cultivators； of farmers and country labourers；
whom they honour with the peculiar appellation of the productive
class。 The third is the class of artificers； manufacturers； and
merchants； whom they endeavour to degrade by the humiliating
appellation of the barren or unproductive class。
The class of proprietors contributes to the annual produce
by the expense which they may occasionally lay out upon the
improvement of the land； upon the buildings； dr