confidence； were conscious of the social evils which the
execution of such a plan would produce。 It will be to the eternal
glory of Alexander to have answered the request of the Lithuanian
nobility by a decree by which； whilst allowing the establishment
of local committees for the elaboration of measures which might
achieve the emancipation in view； he plainly declared that the
liberated serfs ought to be secured at least in the possession of
their homesteads and of the land belonging to these homesteads
（the so…called homestead…land ousadebnaiia zemlia）。 This
expression was obscure and ambiguous； for it was not easy to
establish the limits of the so…called homestead…land。 Was it to
be considered as a compound of all the various communal
privileges of which the peasant was possessed； or to mean only
the ground directly surrounding his habitation？ This question
remained unsettled。
In the winter of 1851 the nobility of Petersburg； not wishing
to remain behind that of Lithuania； presented to the Emperor an
address very like the one just mentioned。 This address and the
decree it provoked deserve to be mentioned； for they show； on one
hand； the desire of the aristocracy to preserve not only all the
advantages of a land…owning class； but also to a certain extent
the social dependence under which the peasant had lived towards
them during the preceding centuries； and； on the other hand； the
firm decision of the Government to secure to the peasant at least
his property in the homestead he occupied； and in the land which
surrounded it。 The decree is curious too as a precise statement
of the conditions on which the Government intended at first to
accomplish the difficult task of emancipation。 They are； as you
will soon perceive； very different from those on which the
emancipation was actually performed。 No question is made of the
direct interference of the State in order to buy back from the
nobleman the plots of ground occupied by the serfs。 This end is
to be alone attained by way of free agreement between the
parties。 As long as this agreement has not taken place the serf
is to continue to perform the agricultural labour and make the
money payments fixed by law。 The nobleman； on the other hand；
exercises； as in the past； a kind of feudal justice and police。
The ground of the whole manor is declared to be his property； the
peasant is to receive no other endowment but that of his
homestead。
The nobility of Nijni…Novgorod； that of Moscow； and of
several other provinces； soon after this presented demands not
very unlike those already mentioned。 They were answered in the
same way； and local committees； imposed of noblemen； were
accordingly formed； in order to elaborate the outlines of the
intended reform in accordance with the views of the Government as
already stated。 These outlines were to be sent for further
examination to a central board； which was first appointed on
January 8； 1858； and was known under the name of the 〃Principal
Committee on the Peasant Question。〃 They were also to be the
subject of careful study on the part of a newly opened section of
the Board of Statistics。 Men of radical ideas； such as Nicolas
Miliutine and Soloviev； were included among its members。 The
reactionary party； on the other hand； counted more than one
member in the 〃Principal Committee on the Peasant Question〃； a
fact which induced the Government to detach from this Committee
two especial sections； the so…called 〃Committee for the
Drawing…up of the Reform Project；〃 and that of 〃The Elaboration
of Financial Measures； needed to secure the Execution of the Plan
in View。〃 The guidance of both Committees and the election of
their members were entrusted to General Rostovzov； an avowed
friend of the intended reform。 An important change was introduced
into the working of the bureaucratic machinery by the fact that
some elected members of the provincial committees were allowed to
have a seat at the meetings of the central bodies； and to
exercise there the functions of experts。 Among the persons so
appointed we find several well…known Slavophiles； such as Samarin
and Tcherkasky。
The work the central committees had to perform was； first of
all； the drawing…up of a concise statement of the results
attained by the deliberations of the local committees； next； the
discussion of the different opinions which these latter had
expressed； and； finally； the drawing…up of the conclusions to
which the members of the central committees themselves had
arrived。 The members of the committees enjoyed the hitherto
unknown freedom of expressing their opinion； and of consulting
all sorts of papers and books； not excluding even those published
by Russian emigrants。 One of the members protesting against the
idea of drawing information from the Kolokol； a Russian newspaper
published in London by the political refugee Herzen； the
President said that； according to his opinion； truth was to be
taken into account； whoever might have expressed it。 The
formalism and official subordination so much observed by our
bureaucracy were for the first time laid aside； and each member
frankly expressed his views； however much they might be opposed
to those of the President。 The committee even went so far as to
accept on certain points decisions which were not in accordance
with the Imperial decrees。 The local committee appointed by the
nobility of Tver was the first to express the opinion that the
peasants ought to be endowed with land beyond that which
surrounded their homesteads。 This opinion was endorsed by the
central committee； which maintained that； although it was
contradictory to the letter of the Imperial decrees； it was in
perfect correspondence with their spirit。
On another occasion the 〃Committee for the Drawing…up of the
Scheme of Reform〃 showed the same independence by adopting the
view first put forward by members of the press； that it was
necessary that the Government should come forward to buy up the
land which the nobleman was called upon to surrender to the
peasants of his manor。 Now this view was quite the reverse of
that expressed by the Imperial decrees we have previously cited。
In the whole of the movement the large and important part
played by the public press is most striking。 No doubt can be
entertained that at its beginning the officials to whom was
entrusted the elaboration of the plan were profoundly ignorant of
the bearings of the question。 The President of the Committee；
General Rostovzov； frankly acknowledged this ignorance； and in
his private correspondence with the Czar betrayed his fears of a
national bankruptcy as the certain result of the Government
taking on itself the redemption of the lands which were to be
ceded to the peasants fears which seem almost ludicrous now
that this redemption has been effected； and the financial
interests of the State have not suffered even for a moment。
A well…known Russian economist； Professor Ivanukoff；（3*） has
tried to show to what extent the press shared with the Government
the difficult task of elaborating the scheme； according to which
the serfs were to obtain 〃freedom and land。〃 He is quite correct
when he says that； with the exception of a single paper called
the Journal of Landed Proprietors； the whole Russian Press
unanimously declared itself in favour； not only of the abolition
of personal servitude； but also of the endowment of the peasants
with land。 Such writers as Katkof； the well…known editor of the
Moscow Gazette； a man who has lately played so prominent a part
in the reactionary movement； were then the open friends of
Liberalism； and rivalled the most advanced reformers in their
defence of civil freedom。 The opinions of Katkof were so greatly
at variance with those of the Government at the beginning of the
movement； that he was obliged to bring to a close a series of
articles on the social condition of the serfs which he had begun
in his periodical； the Russian Courier。 Another eminent
publicist； Koschelev； who was the author of one of the numerous
private schemes of emancipation （their number amounted to
sixty…one）； was obliged at the same time to abandon the further
publication of a journal called the Welfare of the Country； on
account of the strong language in which he advocated the
endowment of the liberated serf with those portions of the land
already in his possession。 A Russian magazine of great renown；
the Contemporary； was at the same time on the point of being
suppressed on account of an article written by Professor Kavelin；
expressing his views as to the opportuneness of redeeming the
lands actually possessed by the peasants； and that； too； with the
direct help of the State。 The Minister of Public instruction；
Evgraf Kovalevsky； was even asked to issue a circular； by which
the censorship was entrusted with the power of suppressing any
article； pamphlet； or book； dealing with the question of
enfranchisement； that had not previously been approved by the
central committee。 This untimely warfare against public opinion
and the liberty of the press； fortunately enough； did not last
long。 The circular was printed in April； 1858； and seven months
later the Government relaxed the restrictions imposed； and that
because of the complete change in its own views as to the
outlines of the reform。 The opinions recently suppressed became
those of the Government； and the prosecuted writers were
considered； for a while at least； its surest allies。 I insist on
these facts； because I know of no instance which better
characterises the ordinary proceedings of the Russian
bureaucracy。 It begins； as a rule； by suppressing all that lies
in its way； and then； finding no other issue； it adopts the line
of conduct which it has recently condemned。 A foreigner who has
no notion of this mode of procedure must find great difficulty in
understanding how it happens that in a country where no freedom
of the press is recognised； in which generals and high officials
seem alone to have the right of professing opinions on public
matters； the press； nevertheless； has more than once exercised a
decisive influence on the course of politics。 The all…powerful
bureaucracy is very