list2- 第5部分

intelligence　and　feelings　incite　him　to　secure　the　future　of　his



nearest　connections；　and　to　promote　their　well…being；　the　more　he



has　been　from　his　youth　accustomed　to　forethought　and　activity；　the



more　his　nobler　feelings　have　been　developed；　and　body　and　mind



cultivated；　the　finer　examples　that　he　has　witnessed　from　his



youth；　the　more　opportunities　he　has　had　for　utilising　his　mental



and　bodily　powers　for　the　improvement　of　his　condition；　also　the



less　he　has　been　restrained　in　his　legitimate　activity；　the　more



successful　his　past　endeavours　have　been；　and　the　more　their　fruits



have　been　secured　to　him；　the　more　he　has　been　able　to　obtain



public　recognition　and　esteem　by　orderly　conduct　and　activity；　and



the　less　his　mind　suffers　from　prejudices；　superstition；　false



notions；　and　ignorance；　so　much　the　more　will　he　exert　his　mind　and



limbs　for　the　object　of　production；　so　much　the　more　will　he　be



able　to　accomplish；　and　so　much　the　better　will　he　make　use　of　the



fruits　of　his　labour。　However；　most　depends　in　all　these　respects



on　the　conditions　of　the　society　in　which　the　individual　has　been



brought　up；　and　turns　upon　this；　whether　science　and　arts　flourish；



and　public　institutions　and　laws　tend　to　promote　religious



character；　morality　and　intelligence；　security　for　person　and　for



property；　freedom　and　justice；　whether　in　the　nation　all　the



factors　of　material　prosperity；　agriculture；　manufactures；　and



trade；　have　been　equally　and　harmoniously　cultivated；　whether　the



power　of　the　nation　is　strong　enough　to　secure　to　its　individual



citizens　progress　in　wealth　and　education　from　generation　to



generation；　and　to　enable　them　not　merely　to　utilise　the　natural



powers　of　their　own　country　to　their　fullest　extent；　but　also；　by



foreign　trade　and　the　possession　of　colonies；　to　render　the　natural



powers　of　foreign　countries　serviceable　to　their　own。



　　　　Adam　Smith　has　on　the　whole　recognised　the　nature　of　these



powers　so　little；　that　he　does　not　even　assign　a　productive



character　to　the　mental　labours　of　those　who　maintain　laws　and



order；　and　cultivate　and　promote　instruction；　religion；　science；



and　art。　His　investigations　are　limited　to　that　human　activity



which　creates　material　values。　With　regard　to　this；　he　certainly



recognises　that　its　productiveness　depends　on　the　'skill　and



judgment'　with　which　it　is　exercised；　but　in　his　investigations　as



to　the　causes　of　this　skill　and　judgment；　he　does　not　go　farther



than　the　division　of　labour；　and　that　he　illustrates　solely　by



exchange；　augmentation　of　material　capital；　and　extension　of



markets。　His　doctrine　at　once　sinks　deeper　and　deeper　into



materialism；　particularism；　and　individualism。　If　he　had　followed



up　the　idea　'productive　power'　without　allowing　his　mind　to　be



dominated　by　the　idea　of　'value；'　'exchangeable　value；'　he　would



have　been　led　to　perceive　that　an　independent　theory　of　the



'productive　power；'　must　be　considered　by　the　side　of　a　'theory　of



values'　in　order　to　explain　the　economical　phenomena。　But　he　thus



fell　into　the　mistake　of　explaining　mental　forces　from　material



circumstances　and　conditions；　and　thereby　laid　the　foundation　for



all　the　absurdities　and　contradictions　from　which　his　school　（as　we



propose　to　prove）　suffers　up　to　the　present　day；　and　to　which　alone



it　must　be　attributed　that　the　doctrines　of　political　economy　are



those　which　are　the　least　accessible　to　the　most　intelligent　minds。



That　Smith's　school　teaches　nothing　else　than　the　theory　of　values；



is　not　only　seen　from　the　fact　that　it　bases　its　doctrine



everywhere　on　the　conception　of　'value　of　exchange；'　but　also　from



the　definition　which　it　gives　of　its　doctrine。　It　is　（says　J。　B。



Say）　that　science　which　teaches　how　riches；　or　exchangeable　values；



are　produced；　distributed；　and　consumed。　This　is　undoubtedly　not



the　science　which　teaches　how　the　productive　powers　are　awakened



and　developed；　and　how　they　become　depressed　and　destroyed。



M'Culloch　calls　it　explicitly　'the　science　of　values；'　and　recent



English　writers　'　the　science　of　exchange。'



　　　　Examples　from　private　economy　will　best　illustrate　the



difference　between　the　theory　of　productive　powers　and　the　theory



of　values。



　　　　Let　us　suppose　the　case　of　two　fathers　of　families；　both　being



landed　proprietors；　each　of　whom　saves　yearly　1；000　thalers　and　has



five　sons。　The　one　puts　out　his　savings　at　interest；　and　keeps　his



sons　at　common　hard　work；　while　the　other　employs　his　savings　in



educating　two　of　his　sons　as　skilful　and　intelligent　landowners；



and　in　enabling　the　other　three　to　learn　a　trade　after　their



respective　tastes；　the　former　acts　according　to　the　theory　of



values；　the　latter　according　to　the　theory　of　productive　powers。



The　first　at　his　death　may　prove　much　richer　than　the　second　in



mere　exchangeable　value；　but　it　is　quite　otherwise　as　respects



productive　powers。　The　estate　of　the　latter　is　divided　into　two



parts；　and　every　part　will　by　the　aid　of　improved　management　yield



as　much　total　produce　as　the　whole　did　before；　while　the　remaining



three　sons　have　by　their　talents　obtained　abundant　means　of



maintenance。　The　landed　property　of　the　former　will　be　divided　into



five　parts；　and　every　part　will　be　worked　in　as　bad　a　manner　as　the



whole　was　heretofore。　In　the　latter　family　a　mass　of　different



mental　forces　and　talents　is　awakened　and　cultivated；　which　will



increase　from　generation　to　generation；　every　succeeding　generation



possessing　more　power　of　obtaining　material　wealth　than　the



preceding　one；　while　in　the　former　family　stupidity　and　poverty



must　increase　with　the　diminution　of　the　shares　in　the　landed



property。　So　the　slaveholder　increases　by　slave…breeding　the　sum　of



his　values　of　exchange；　but　he　ruins　the　productive　forces　of



future　generations。　All　expenditure　in　the　instruction　of　youth；



the　promotion　of　justice；　defence　of　nations；　&c。　is　a　consumption



of　present　values　for　the　behoof　of　the　productive　powers。　The



greatest　portion　of　the　consumption　of　a　nation　is　used　for　the



education　of　the　future　generation；　for　promotion　and　nourishment



of　the　future　national　productive　powers。



　　　　The　Christian　religion；　monogamy；　abolition　of　slavery　and　of



vassalage；　hereditability　of　the　throne；　invention　of　printing；　of



the　press；　of　the　postal　system；　of　money　weights　and　measures；　of



the　calendar；　of　watches；　of　police；　'the　introduction　of　the



principle　of　freehold　property；　of　means　of　transport；　are　rich



sources　of　productive　power。　To　be　convinced　of　this；　we　need　only



compare　the　condition　of　the　European　states　with　that　of　the



Asiatic　ones。　In　order　duly　to　estimate　the　influence　which　liberty



of　thought　and　conscience　has　on　the　productive　forces　of　nations；



we　need　only　read　the　history　of　England　and　then　that　of　Spain。



The　publicity　of　the　administration　of　justice；　trial　by　jury；



parliamentary　legislation；　public　control　of　State　administration；



self…administration　of　the　commonalties　and　municipalities；　liberty



of　the　press；　liberty　of　association　for　useful　purposes；　impart　to



the　citizens　of　constitutional　states；　as　also　to　their　public



functionaries；　a　degree　of　energy　and　power　which　can　hardly　be



produced　by　other　means。　We　can　scarcely　conceive　of　any　law　or　any



public　legal　decision　which　would　not　exercise　a　greater　or　smaller



influence　on　the　increase　or　decrease　of　the　productive　power　of



the　nation。（2*）　If　we　consider　merely　bodily　labour　as　the　cause　of



wealth；　how　can　we　then　explain　why　modern　nations　are　incomparably



richer；　more　populous；　more　powerful；　and　prosperous　than　the



nations　of　ancient　times？　The　ancient　nations　employed　（in



proportion　to　the　whole　population）　infinitely　more　hands；　the　work



was　much　harder；　each　individual　possessed　much　more　land；　and　yet



the　masses　were　much　worse　fed　and　clothed　than　is　the　case　in



modern　nations。　In　order　to　explain　these　phenomena；　we　must　refer



to　the　progress　which　has　been　made　in　the　course　of　the　last



thousand　years　in　sciences　and　arts；　domestic　and　public



regulations；　cultivation　of　the　mind　and　capabilities　of



production。　The　present　state　of　the　nations　is　the　result　of　the



accumulation　of　all　discoveries；　inventions；　improvements；



perfections；　and　exertions　of　all　generations　which　have　lived



before　us；　they　form　the　mental　capital　of　the　present　human　race；



and　every　separate　nation　is　productive　only　in　the　proportion　in



which　it　has　known　how　to　appropriate　these　attainments　of　former



generations　and　to　increase　them　by　its　own　acquirements；　in　which



the　natural　capabilities　of　its　territory；　its　extent　and



geographical　position；　its　population　and　political　power；　have



been　able　to　develop　as　completely　and　symmetrically　as　possible



all　sources　of　wealth　within　its　boundaries；　and　to　extend　its



moral；　intellectual；　commercial；　and　political　influence　over　less



advanced　nations　and　especially　over　the　affairs　of　the　world。



　　　　The　popular　school　of　economists　would　have　us　believe　that



politics　and　political　power　cannot　be　taken　into　consideration　in



political　economy。　So　far　as　it　makes　only　values　and　exchange　the



subjects　of　its　investigations；　this　may　be　correct；　we　can　define



the　ideas　of　value　and　capital；　profit；　wages；　and　rent；　we　can



resolve　them　into　their　elements；　and　speculate　on　what　may



influence　their　rising　or　falling；　&c。　without　ther