on liberty- 第29部分

by　whom　it　shall　be　conducted；　as　those　who　are　personally



interested　in　it。　This　principle　condemns　the　interferences；　once　so



common；　of　the　legislature；　or　the　officers　of　government；　with　the



ordinary　processes　of　industry。　But　this　part　of　the　subject　has



been　sufficiently　enlarged　upon　by　political　economists；　and　is　not



particularly　related　to　the　principles　of　this　Essay。



　　The　second　objection　is　more　nearly　allied　to　our　subject。　In　many



cases；　though　individuals　may　not　do　the　particular　thing　so　well；



on　the　average；　as　the　officers　of　government；　it　is　nevertheless



desirable　that　it　should　be　done　by　them；　rather　than　by　the



government；　as　a　means　to　their　own　mental　education…　a　mode　of



strengthening　their　active　faculties；　exercising　their　judgment；　and



giving　them　a　familiar　knowledge　of　the　subjects　with　which　they　are



thus　left　to　deal。　This　is　a　principal；　though　not　the　sole；



recommendation　of　jury　trial　（in　cases　not　political）；　of　free　and



popular　local　and　municipal　institutions；　of　the　conduct　of　industrial



and　philanthropic　enterprises　by　voluntary　associations。　These　are　not



questions　of　liberty；　and　are　connected　with　that　subject　only　by



remote　tendencies；　but　they　are　questions　of　development。　It　belongs



to　a　different　occasion　from　the　present　to　dwell　on　these　things　as



parts　of　national　education；　as　being；　in　truth；　the　peculiar　training



of　a　citizen；　the　practical　part　of　the　political　education　of　a



free　people；　taking　them　out　of　the　narrow　circle　of　personal　and



family　selfishness；　and　accustoming　them　to　the　comprehension　of　joint



interests；　the　management　of　joint　concerns…　habituating　them　to　act



from　public　or　semi…public　motives；　and　guide　their　conduct　by　aims



which　unite　instead　of　isolating　them　from　one　another。　Without



these　habits　and　powers；　a　free　constitution　can　neither　be　worked　nor



preserved；　as　is　exemplified　by　the　too…often　transitory　nature　of



political　freedom　in　countries　where　it　does　not　rest　upon　a



sufficient　basis　of　local　liberties。　The　management　of　purely　local



business　by　the　localities；　and　of　the　great　enterprises　of　industry



by　the　union　of　those　who　voluntarily　supply　the　pecuniary　means；　is



further　recommended　by　all　the　advantages　which　have　been　set　forth　in



this　Essay　as　belonging　to　individuality　of　development；　and　diversity



of　modes　of　action。　Government　operations　tend　to　be　everywhere　alike。



With　individuals　and　voluntary　associations；　on　the　contrary；　there



are　varied　experiments；　and　endless　diversity　of　experience。　What



the　State　can　usefully　do　is　to　make　itself　a　central　depository；



and　active　circulator　and　diffuser；　of　the　experience　resulting　from



many　trials。　Its　business　is　to　enable　each　experimentalist　to　benefit



by　the　experiments　of　others；　instead　of　tolerating　no　experiments　but



its　own。



　　The　third　and　most　cogent　reason　for　restricting　the　interference　of



government　is　the　great　evil　of　adding　unnecessarily　to　its　power。



Every　function　superadded　to　those　already　exercised　by　the　government



causes　its　influence　over　hopes　and　fears　to　be　more　widely



diffused；　and　converts；　more　and　more；　the　active　and　ambitious　part



of　the　public　into　hangers…on　of　the　government；　or　of　some　party



which　aims　at　becoming　the　government。　If　the　roads；　the　railways；　the



banks；　the　insurance　offices；　the　great　joint…stock　companies；　the



universities；　and　the　public　charities；　were　all　of　them　branches　of



the　government；　if；　in　addition；　the　municipal　corporations　and



local　boards；　with　all　that　now　devolves　on　them；　became　departments



of　the　central　administration；　if　the　employes　of　all　these



different　enterprises　were　appointed　and　paid　by　the　government；　and



looked　to　the　government　for　every　rise　in　life；　not　all　the　freedom



of　the　press　and　popular　constitution　of　the　legislature　would　make



this　or　any　other　country　free　otherwise　than　in　name。　And　the　evil



would　be　greater；　the　more　efficiently　and　scientifically　the



administrative　machinery　was　constructed…　the　more　skilful　the



arrangements　for　obtaining　the　best　qualified　hands　and　heads　with



which　to　work　it。　In　England　it　has　of　late　been　proposed　that　all　the



members　of　the　civil　service　of　government　should　be　selected　by



competitive　examination；　to　obtain　for　these　employments　the　most



intelligent　and　instructed　persons　procurable；　and　much　has　been



said　and　written　for　and　against　this　proposal。　One　of　the　arguments



most　insisted　on　by　its　opponents　is　that　the　occupation　of　a



permanent　official　servant　of　the　State　does　not　hold　out　sufficient



prospects　of　emolument　and　importance　to　attract　the　highest



talents；　which　will　always　be　able　to　find　a　more　inviting　career　in



the　professions；　or　in　the　service　of　companies　and　other　public



bodies。　One　would　not　have　been　surprised　if　this　argument　had　been



used　by　the　friends　of　the　proposition；　as　an　answer　to　its



principal　difficulty。　Coming　from　the　opponents　it　is　strange



enough。　What　is　urged　as　an　objection　is　the　safety…valve　of　the



proposed　system。　If　indeed　all　the　high　talent　of　the　country　could　be



drawn　into　the　service　of　the　government；　a　proposal　tending　to



bring　about　that　result　might　well　inspire　uneasiness。　If　every　part



of　the　business　of　society　which　required　organised　concert；　or



large　and　comprehensive　views；　were　in　the　hands　of　the　government；



and　if　government　offices　were　universally　filled　by　the　ablest　men；



all　the　enlarged　culture　and　practised　intelligence　in　the　country；



except　the　purely　speculative；　would　be　concentrated　in　a　numerous



bureaucracy；　to　whom　alone　the　rest　of　the　community　would　look　for



all　things：　the　multitude　for　direction　and　dictation　in　all　they



had　to　do；　the　able　and　aspiring　for　personal　advancement。　To　be



admitted　into　the　ranks　of　this　bureaucracy；　and　when　admitted；　to



rise　therein；　would　be　the　sole　objects　of　ambition。　Under　this



regime；　not　only　is　the　outside　public　ill…qualified；　for　want　of



practical　experience；　to　criticise　or　check　the　mode　of　operation　of



the　bureaucracy；　but　even　if　the　accidents　of　despotic　or　the



natural　working　of　popular　institutions　occasionally　raise　to　the



summit　a　ruler　or　rulers　of　reforming　inclinations；　no　reform　can　be



effected　which　is　contrary　to　the　interest　of　the　bureaucracy。



　　Such　is　the　melancholy　condition　of　the　Russian　empire；　as　shown



in　the　accounts　of　those　who　have　had　sufficient　opportunity　of



observation。　The　Czar　himself　is　powerless　against　the　bureaucratic



body；　he　can　send　any　one　of　them　to　Siberia；　but　he　cannot　govern



without　them；　or　against　their　will。　On　every　decree　of　his　they



have　a　tacit　veto；　by　merely　refraining　from　carrying　it　into



effect。　In　countries　of　more　advanced　civilisation　and　of　a　more



insurrectionary　spirit；　the　public；　accustomed　to　expect　everything　to



be　done　for　them　by　the　State；　or　at　least　to　do　nothing　for



themselves　without　asking　from　the　State　not　only　leave　to　do　it；



but　even　how　it　is　to　be　done；　naturally　hold　the　State　responsible



for　all　evil　which　befalls　them；　and　when　the　evil　exceeds　their



amount　of　patience；　they　rise　against　the　government；　and　make　what　is



called　a　revolution；　whereupon　somebody　else；　with　or　without



legitimate　authority　from　the　nation；　vaults　into　the　seat；　issues　his



orders　to　the　bureaucracy；　and　everything　goes　on　much　as　it　did



before；　the　bureaucracy　being　unchanged；　and　nobody　else　being　capable



of　taking　their　place。



　　A　very　different　spectacle　is　exhibited　among　a　people　accustomed　to



transact　their　own　business。　In　France；　a　large　part　of　the　people；



having　been　engaged　in　military　service；　many　of　whom　have　held　at



least　the　rank　of　non　commissioned　officers；　there　are　in　every



popular　insurrection　several　persons　competent　to　take　the　lead；　and



improvise　some　tolerable　plan　of　action。　What　the　French　are　in



military　affairs；　the　Americans　are　in　every　kind　of　civil　business；



let　them　be　left　without　a　government；　every　body　of　Americans　is　able



to　improvise　one；　and　to　carry　on　that　or　any　other　public　business



with　a　sufficient　amount　of　intelligence；　order；　and　decision。　This　is



what　every　free　people　ought　to　be：　and　a　people　capable　of　this　is



certain　to　be　free；　it　will　never　let　itself　be　enslaved　by　any　man　or



body　of　men　because　these　are　able　to　seize　and　pull　the　reins　of



the　central　administration。　No　bureaucracy　can　hope　to　make　such　a



people　as　this　do　or　undergo　anything　that　they　do　not　like。　But　where



everything　is　done　through　the　bureaucracy；　nothing　to　which　the



bureaucracy　is　really　adverse　can　be　done　at　all。　The　constitution



of　such　countries　is　an　organisation　of　the　experience　and　practical



ability　of　the　nation　into　a　disciplined　body　for　the　purpose　of



governing　the　rest；　and　the　more　perfect　that　organisation　is　in



itself；　the　more　successful　in　drawing　to　itself　and　educating　for



itself　the　persons　of　greatest　capacity　from　all　ranks　of　the



community；　the　more　complete　is　the　bondage　of　all；　the　members　of　the



bureaucracy　included。　For　the　governors　are　as　much　the　slaves　of



their　organisation　and　discipline　as　the　governed　are　of　the



governors。　A　Chinese　mandarin　is　as　much　the　tool　and　creature　of　a



despotism　as　the　humblest　cultivator。　An　individual　Jesuit　is　to　the



utmost　degree　of　abasement　the　slave　of　his　order；　though　the　order



itself　exists　for　the　collective　power　and　importance　of　its　members。



　　It　is　not；　also；　to　be　forgotten；　that　the　absorption　of　all　the



principal　ability　of　the　country　into　the　governing　body　is　fatal；



sooner　or　later；　to　the　mental　activity　and　progressiveness　of　the



body　itself。　Ba