on liberty- 第28部分

unrecognised；　that　to　bring　a　child　into　existence　without　a　fair



prospect　of　being　able；　not　only　to　provide　food　for　its　body；　but



instruction　and　training　for　its　mind；　is　a　moral　crime；　both



against　the　unfortunate　offspring　and　against　society；　and　that　if　the



parent　does　not　fulfil　this　obligation；　the　State　ought　to　see　it



fulfilled；　at　the　charge；　as　far　as　possible；　of　the　parent。



　　Were　the　duty　of　enforcing　universal　education　once　admitted　there



would　be　an　end　to　the　difficulties　about　what　the　State　should　teach；



and　how　it　should　teach；　which　now　convert　the　subject　into　a　mere



battlefield　for　sects　and　parties；　causing　the　time　and　labour　which



should　have　been　spent　in　educating　to　be　wasted　in　quarreling　about



education。　If　the　government　would　make　up　its　mind　to　require　for



every　child　a　good　education；　it　might　save　itself　the　trouble　of



providing　one。　It　might　leave　to　parents　to　obtain　the　education　where



and　how　they　pleased；　and　content　itself　with　helping　to　pay　the



school　fees　of　the　poorer　classes　of　children；　and　defraying　the



entire　school　expenses　of　those　who　have　no　one　else　to　pay　for



them。　The　objections　which　are　urged　with　reason　against　State



education　do　not　apply　to　the　enforcement　of　education　by　the　State；



but　to　the　State's　taking　upon　itself　to　direct　that　education；



which　is　a　totally　different　thing。　That　the　whole　or　any　large　part



of　the　education　of　the　people　should　be　in　State　hands；　I　go　as　far



as　any　one　in　deprecating。　All　that　has　been　said　of　the　importance　of



individuality　of　character；　and　diversity　in　opinions　and　modes　of



conduct；　involves；　as　of　the　same　unspeakable　importance；　diversity　of



education。　A　general　State　education　is　a　mere　contrivance　for



moulding　people　to　be　exactly　like　one　another：　and　as　the　mould　in



which　it　casts　them　is　that　which　pleases　the　predominant　power　in　the



government；　whether　this　be　a　monarch；　a　priesthood；　an　aristocracy；



or　the　majority　of　the　existing　generation；　in　proportion　as　it　is



efficient　and　successful；　it　establishes　a　despotism　over　the　mind；



leading　by　natural　tendency　to　one　over　the　body。　An　education



established　and　controlled　by　the　State　should　only　exist；　if　it　exist



at　all；　as　one　among　many　competing　experiments；　carried　on　for　the



purpose　of　example　and　stimulus；　to　keep　the　others　up　to　a　certain



standard　of　excellence。　Unless；　indeed；　when　society　in　general　is



in　so　backward　a　state　that　it　could　not　or　would　not　provide　for



itself　any　proper　institutions　of　education　unless　the　government



undertook　the　task：　then；　indeed；　the　government　may；　as　the　less　of



two　great　evils；　take　upon　itself　the　business　of　schools　and



universities；　as　it　may　that　of　joint　stock　companies；　when　private



enterprise；　in　a　shape　fitted　for　undertaking　great　works　of　industry；



does　not　exist　in　the　country。　But　in　general；　if　the　country　contains



a　sufficient　number　of　persons　qualified　to　provide　education　under



government　auspices；　the　same　persons　would　be　able　and　willing　to



give　an　equally　good　education　on　the　voluntary　principle；　under　the



assurance　of　remuneration　afforded　by　a　law　rendering　education



compulsory；　combined　with　State　aid　to　those　unable　to　defray　the



expense。



　　The　instrument　for　enforcing　the　law　could　be　no　other　than　public



examinations；　extending　to　all　children；　and　beginning　at　an　early



age。　An　age　might　be　fixed　at　which　every　child　must　be　examined；　to



ascertain　if　he　（or　she）　is　able　to　read。　If　a　child　proves　unable；



the　father；　unless　he　has　some　sufficient　ground　of　excuse；　might　be



subjected　to　a　moderate　fine；　to　be　worked　out；　if　necessary；　by　his



labour；　and　the　child　might　be　put　to　school　at　his　expense。　Once　in



every　year　the　examination　should　be　renewed；　with　a　gradually



extending　range　of　subjects；　so　as　to　make　the　universal



acquisition；　and　what　is　more；　retention；　of　a　certain　minimum　of



general　knowledge　virtually　compulsory。　Beyond　that　minimum　there



should　be　voluntary　examinations　on　all　subjects；　at　which　all　who



come　up　to　a　certain　standard　of　proficiency　might　claim　a



certificate。　To　prevent　the　State　from　exercising；　through　these



arrangements；　an　improper　influence　over　opinion；　the　knowledge



required　for　passing　an　examination　（beyond　the　merely　instrumental



parts　of　knowledge；　such　as　languages　and　their　use）　should；　even　in



the　higher　classes　of　examinations；　be　confined　to　facts　and



positive　science　exclusively。　The　examinations　on　religion；



politics；　or　other　disputed　topics；　should　not　turn　on　the　truth　or



falsehood　of　opinions；　but　on　the　matter　of　fact　that　such　and　such　an



opinion　is　held；　on　such　grounds；　by　such　authors；　or　schools；　or



churches。



　　Under　this　system；　the　rising　generation　would　be　no　worse　off　in



regard　to　all　disputed　truths　than　they　are　at　present；　they　would



be　brought　up　either　churchmen　or　dissenters　as　they　now　are；　the



State　merely　taking　care　that　they　should　be　instructed　churchmen；



or　instructed　dissenters。　There　would　be　nothing　to　hinder　them　from



being　taught　religion；　if　their　parents　chose；　at　the　same　schools



where　they　were　taught　other　things。　All　attempts　by　the　State　to　bias



the　conclusions　of　its　citizens　on　disputed　subjects　are　evil；　but



it　may　very　properly　offer　to　ascertain　and　certify　that　a　person



possesses　the　knowledge　requisite　to　make　his　conclusions；　on　any



given　subject；　worth　attending　to。　A　student　of　philosophy　would　be



the　better　for　being　able　to　stand　an　examination　both　in　Locke　and　in



Kant；　whichever　of　the　two　he　takes　up　with；　or　even　if　with



neither：　and　there　is　no　reasonable　objection　to　examining　an



atheist　in　the　evidences　of　Christianity；　provided　he　is　not



required　to　profess　a　belief　in　them。　The　examinations；　however；　in



the　higher　branches　of　knowledge　should；　I　conceive；　be　entirely



voluntary。　It　would　be　giving　too　dangerous　a　power　to　governments



were　they　allowed　to　exclude　any　one　from　professions；　even　from　the



profession　of　teacher；　for　alleged　deficiency　of　qualifications：　and　I



think；　with　Wilhelm　von　Humboldt；　that　degrees；　or　other　public



certificates　of　scientific　or　professional　acquirements；　should　be



given　to　all　who　present　themselves　for　examination；　and　stand　the



test；　but　that　such　certificates　should　confer　no　advantage　over



competitors　other　than　the　weight　which　may　be　attached　to　their



testimony　by　public　opinion。



　　It　is　not　in　the　matter　of　education　only　that　misplaced　notions



of　liberty　prevent　moral　obligations　on　the　part　of　parents　from　being



recognised；　and　legal　obligations　from　being　imposed；　where　there



are　the　strongest　grounds　for　the　former　always；　and　in　many　cases　for



the　latter　also。　The　fact　itself；　of　causing　the　existence　of　a



human　being；　is　one　of　the　most　responsible　actions　in　the　range　of



human　life。　To　undertake　this　responsibility…　to　bestow　a　life　which



may　be　either　a　curse　or　a　blessing…　unless　the　being　on　whom　it　is



to　be　bestowed　will　have　at　least　the　ordinary　chances　of　a



desirable　existence；　is　a　crime　against　that　being。　And　in　a　country



either　over…peopled；　or　threatened　with　being　so；　to　produce　children；



beyond　a　very　small　number；　with　the　effect　of　reducing　the　reward



of　labour　by　their　competition；　is　a　serious　offence　against　all　who



live　by　the　remuneration　of　their　labour。　The　laws　which；　in　many



countries　on　the　Continent；　forbid　marriage　unless　the　parties　can



show　that　they　have　the　means　of　supporting　a　family；　do　not　exceed



the　legitimate　powers　of　the　State：　and　whether　such　laws　be　expedient



or　not　（a　question　mainly　dependent　on　local　circumstances　and



feelings）；　they　are　not　objectionable　as　violations　of　liberty。　Such



laws　are　interferences　of　the　State　to　prohibit　a　mischievous　act…　an



act　injurious　to　others；　which　ought　to　be　a　subject　of　reprobation；



and　social　stigma；　even　when　it　is　not　deemed　expedient　to　superadd



legal　punishment。　Yet　the　current　ideas　of　liberty；　which　bend　so



easily　to　real　infringements　of　the　freedom　of　the　individual　in



things　which　concern　only　himself；　would　repel　the　attempt　to　put



any　restraint　upon　his　inclinations　when　the　consequence　of　their



indulgence　is　a　life　or　lives　of　wretchedness　and　depravity　to　the



offspring；　with　manifold　evils　to　those　sufficiently　within　reach　to



be　in　any　way　affected　by　their　actions。　When　we　compare　the　strange



respect　of　mankind　for　liberty；　with　their　strange　want　of　respect　for



it；　we　might　imagine　that　a　man　had　an　indispensable　right　to　do



harm　to　others；　and　no　right　at　all　to　please　himself　without　giving



pain　to　any　one。



　　I　have　reserved　for　the　last　place　a　large　class　of　questions



respecting　the　limits　of　government　interference；　which；　though



closely　connected　with　the　subject　of　this　Essay；　do　not；　in



strictness；　belong　to　it。　These　are　cases　in　which　the　reasons　against



interference　do　not　turn　upon　the　principle　of　liberty：　the　question



is　not　about　restraining　the　actions　of　individuals；　but　about　helping



them；　it　is　asked　whether　the　government　should　do；　or　cause　to　be



done；　something　for　their　benefit；　instead　of　leaving　it　to　be　done　by



themselves；　individually　or　in　voluntary　combination。



　　The　objections　to　government　interference；　when　it　is　not　such　as　to



involve　infringement　of　liberty；　may　be　of　three　kinds。



　　The　first　is；　when　the　thing　to　be　done　is　likely　to　be　better



done　by　individuals　than　by　the　government。　Speaking　generally；



there　is　no　one　so　fit　to　conduct　any　business；　or　to　determine　how　or



by　whom　it　shall　be　conducted；　as　those　who　are　personally



interested　in　it。　This　principle　condemns　the　interferen