erived from some other source。 No community has ever long continued progressive； but while a conflict was going on between the strongest power in the community and some rival power； between the spiritual and temporal authorities； the military or territorial and the industrious classes； the king and the people； the orthodox and religious reformers。 When the victory on either side was so complete as to put an end to the strife； and no other conflict took its place； first stagnation followed； and then decay。 The ascendancy of the numerical majority is less unjust； and on the whole less mischievous； than many others； but it is attended with the very same kind of dangers； and even more certainly； for when the government is in the hands of One or a Few； the Many are always existent as a rival power； which may not be strong enough ever to control the other； but whose opinion and sentiment are a moral； and even a social； support to all who； either from conviction or contrariety of interest； are opposed to any of the tendencies of the ruling authority。 But when the Democracy is supreme； there is no One or Few strong enough for dissentient opinions and injured or menaced interests to lean upon。 The great difficulty of democratic government has hitherto seemed to be； how to provide； in a democratic society； what circumstances have provided hitherto in all the societies which have maintained themselves ahead of others… a social support； a point d'appui； for individual resistance to the tendencies of the ruling power； a protection； a rallying point； for opinions and interests which the ascendant public opinion views with disfavour。 For want of such a point d'appui； the older societies； and all but a few modern ones； either fell into dissolution or became stationary （which means slow deterioration） through the exclusive predominance of a part only of the conditions of social and mental well…being。 Now； this great want the system of Personal Representation is fitted to supply in the most perfect manner which the circumstances of modern society admit of。 The only quarter in which to look for a supplement； or completing corrective； to the instincts of a democratic majority； is the instructed minority： but； in the ordinary mode of constituting democracy； this minority has no organ： Mr。 Hare's system provides one。 The representatives who would be returned to Parliament by the aggregate of minorities would afford that organ in its greatest perfection。 A separate organisation of the instructed classes； even if practicable； would be invidious； and could only escape from being offensive by being totally without influence。 But if the elite of these classes formed part of the Parliament； by the same title as any other of its members… by representing the same number of citizens； the same numerical fraction of the national will… their presence could give umbrage to nobody； while they would be in the position of highest vantage； both for making their opinions and counsels heard on all important subjects； and for taking an active part in public business。 Their abilities would probably draw to them more than their numerical share of the actual administration of government； as the Athenians did not confide responsible public functions to Cleon or Hyperbolus （the employment of Cleon at Pylos and Amphipolis was purely exceptional）； but Nicias； and Theramenes； and Alcibiades； were in constant employment both at home and abroad； though known to sympathise more with oligarchy than with democracy。 The instructed minority would； in the actual voting； count only for their numbers； but as a moral power they would count for much more； in virtue of their knowledge； and of the influence it would give them over the rest。 An arrangement better adapted to keep popular opinion within reason and justice； and to guard it from the various deteriorating influences which assail the weak side of democracy； could scarcely by human ingenuity be devised。 A democratic people would in this way be provided with what in any other way it would almost certainly miss…leaders of a higher grade of intellect and character than itself。 Modern democracy would have its occasional Pericles； and its habitual group of superior and guiding minds。 With all this array of reasons； of the most fundamental character； on the affirmative side of the question； what is there on the negative？ Nothing that will sustain examination； when people can once be induced to bestow any real examination upon a new thing。 Those indeed； if any such there be； who； under pretence of equal justice； aim only at substituting the class ascendancy of the poor for that of the rich； will of course be unfavourable to a scheme which places both on a level。 But I do not believe that any such wish exists at present among the working classes of this country； though I would not answer for the effect which opportunity and demagogic artifices may hereafter have in exciting it。 In the United States； where the numerical majority have long been in full possession of collective despotism； they would probably be as unwilling to part with it as a single despot or an aristocracy。 But I believe that the English democracy would as yet be content with protection against the class legislation of others； without claiming the power to exercise it in their turn。 Among the ostensible objectors to Mr。 Hare's scheme； some profess to think the plan unworkable； but these； it will be found； are generally people who have barely heard of it； or have given it a very slight and cursory examination。 Others are unable to reconcile themselves to the loss of what they term the local character of the representation。 A nation does not seem to them to consist of persons； but of artificial units； the creation of geography and statistics。 Parliament must represent towns and counties； not human beings。 But no one seeks to annihilate towns and counties。 Towns and counties； it may be presumed； are represented when the human beings who inhabit them are represented。 Local feelings cannot exist without somebody who feels them； nor local interests without somebody interested in them。 If the human beings whose feelings and interests these are have their proper share of representation； these feelings and interests are represented in common with all other feelings and interests of those persons。 But I cannot see why the feelings and interests which arrange mankind according to localities should be the only one thought worthy of being represented； or why people who have other feelings and interests； which they value more than they do their geographical ones； should be restricted to these as the sole principle of their political classification。 The notion that Yorkshire and Middlesex have rights apart from those of their inhabitants； or that Liverpool and Exeter are the proper objects of the legislator's care； in contradistinction the population of those places； is a curious specimen of delusion produced by words。 In general； however； objectors cut the matter short by affirming that the people of England will never consent to such a system。 What the people of England are likely to think of those who pass such a summary sentence on their capacity of understanding and judgment； deeming it superfluous to consider whether a thing is right or wrong before affirming that they are certain to reject it； I will not undertake to say。 For my own part； I do not think that the people of England have deserved to be； without trial； stigmatised as insurmountably prejudiced against anything which can be proved to be good either for themselves or for others。 It also appears to me that when prejudices persist obstinately； it is the fault of nobody so much as of those who make a point of proclaiming them insuperable； as an excuse to themselves for never joining in an attempt to remove them。 Any prejudice whatever will be insurmountable if those who do not share it themselves truckle to it； and flatter it； and accept it as a law of nature。 I believe； however； that in this case there is in general； among those who have yet heard of the proposition； no other hostility to it than the natural and healthy distrust attaching to all novelties which have not been sufficiently canvassed to make generally manifest all the pros and cons of the question。 The only serious obstacle is the unfamiliarity： this indeed is a formidable one； for the imagination much more easily reconciles itself to a great alteration in substance； than to a very small one in names and forms。 But unfamiliarity is a disadvantage which； when there is any real value in an idea； it only requires time to remove。 And in these days of discussion； and generally awakened interest in improvement； what formerly was the work of centuries； often requires only years。
Since the first publication of this Treatise； several adverse criticisms have been made on Mr。 Hare's plan； which indicate at least a careful examination of it； and a more intelligent consideration than had previously been given to its pretensions。 This is the natural progress of the discussion of great improvements。 They are at first met by a blind prejudice； and by arguments to which only blind prejudice could attach any value。 As the prejudice weakens； the arguments it employs for some time increase in strength； since； the plan being better understood； its inevitable inconveniences； and the circumstances which militate against its at once producing all the benefits it is intrinsically capable of； come to light along with its merits。 But of all the objections； having any semblance of reason； which have come under my notice； there is not one which had not been foreseen； considered； and canvassed by the supporters of the plan； and found either unreal or easily surmountable。 The most serious； in appearance； of the objections may be the most briefly answered； the assumed impossibility of guarding against fraud； or suspicion of fraud； in the operations of the Central Office。 Publicity； and complete liberty of inspecting the voting papers after the election； were the securities provided； but these； it is maintained； would be unavailing； because； to check the returns； a voter would have to go over all the work that had been done by the staff of clerks。 This would be a very weighty objection； if t